Skip to content
Briefings are running a touch slower this week while we rebuild the foundations.See roadmap
Iran Conflict 2026
1JUN

Araghchi flies to BRICS Delhi 14-15 May

3 min read
08:32UTC

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi travels to New Delhi on 14-15 May for the BRICS foreign ministers meeting with Russia's Sergey Lavrov and India's Subrahmanyam Jaishankar. Spokesman Ismail Baghaei set ending the war and lifting the Hormuz blockade as 'prerequisites' to nuclear talks.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Araghchi meets Lavrov and Jaishankar at BRICS Delhi on 14-15 May, the same days Trump sees Xi.

Abbas Araghchi, Iran's Foreign Minister, travels to New Delhi on 14-15 May 2026 for the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa bloc) foreign ministers meeting, chaired by India and including Russia's Sergey Lavrov and India's Subrahmanyam Jaishankar 1. The trip runs on the same two days Donald Trump sits across from Xi Jinping in Beijing. Iran's top diplomat will be in the next room with the two BRICS counterparts most able to underwrite a non-Western verification mechanism for Hormuz on the same days the US tries to convert China into a pressure lever.

Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesman Ismail Baghaei set the precondition on 12 May: ending the war and lifting the Hormuz blockade are "prerequisites" to any resumption of nuclear talks 2. Araghchi has held four high-level calls with Jaishankar since the war began on 28 February. India's own interests (stable crude supply, the safety of Indian crews on Iranian-routed tankers, and the Indian firms named in earlier OFAC designations) make Delhi a less-than-reliable conduit for US pressure. The pivot to the multilateral track followed Iran's silence after the 9 May deadline ; the bilateral channel held no fresh text, so Araghchi went looking for one elsewhere.

BRICS foreign ministers meetings have historically produced communiques on third-country conflicts that the West then negotiates against in subsequent UN Security Council drafts. The 2022 Samarkand communique on Ukraine was the template: agreed BRICS language constrained subsequent G7 positions because the alternative was a public divergence the G20 could not paper over. Delhi 14-15 May is now in that template's slot. The IAEA, locked out of Iran since the Majlis suspended all cooperation in April, would be required for any Western verification mechanism Iran has now pre-conditioned on war-end. The parallel-summits architecture is the product of 75 days during which neither side has signed anything; each is now building the multilateral backing it will need if a written deal ever has to converge.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

While Trump was meeting China's president in Beijing, Iran's top diplomat was in a different room in a different city: New Delhi. He was attending a meeting of the BRICS group of countries. BRICS is a bloc of major non-Western economies including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi met his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov and India's External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar on 14-15 May. Iran's aim was to build non-Western diplomatic support for its position: that any nuclear talks must wait until the war ends and the Hormuz blockade is lifted. If the BRICS meeting produces a written statement endorsing Iran's sequencing, it gives Tehran a diplomatic document it can use to resist US pressure for a different order of events. India, as chair of the meeting, will effectively decide whether that document is strong or weak.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

Iran's pivot to the BRICS platform for the 14-15 May meetings reflects the structural failure of the bilateral Pakistan channel to produce new written text since the 9 May deadline . With no fresh paper on the Pakistan track and the US trying to convert China into a pressure lever at the Beijing summit, Tehran needs a multilateral document that encodes its "war-end as prerequisite" position before that position can be pre-empted by a US-China joint statement.

The structural logic of the BRICS platform for Iran mirrors the logic of non-aligned movement summits during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88): when the bilateral channel is stalled and the great-power dynamic is unfavourable, a third multilateral track produces documentation that constrains what great powers can agree bilaterally.

Tehran is using New Delhi as its documentation layer, knowing that a BRICS foreign ministers' communique carries enough diplomatic weight to be cited in any subsequent UN Security Council draft.

What could happen next?
  • Consequence

    A BRICS communique endorsing Iran's war-end-first sequencing creates a non-Western diplomatic floor that constrains what a US-China joint statement can say without producing a public divergence the G20 cannot paper over.

  • Risk

    If India steers the BRICS text toward procedural neutrality, Tehran loses its documentation layer and is forced back onto the bilateral Pakistan channel without new multilateral backing.

First Reported In

Update #96 · Hegseth: no AUMF needed. Trump flies east

PressTV· 13 May 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Monitors documented a second death sentence for Zahra Tabari, 68, reported cemetery record deletions at Behesht-e Zahra, and a poll showing 81.5% of medical residents want to emigrate, against a background of 200+ confirmed executions since February. Iran's security courts operate at uninterrupted wartime tempo regardless of the diplomatic track.
Pakistan (mediator)
Pakistan (mediator)
Islamabad carried Trump's revised MOU demanding HEU destruction to Iranian negotiators, formally inheriting the role of sole active mediator after Oman's forced withdrawal. Pakistan lacks Oman's banking infrastructure for frozen-asset routing and carries its own regional stakes, making it a less structurally neutral broker.
Kuwait
Kuwait
Kuwait intercepted Iranian missiles and drones for a second time in days on 1 June, with air-raid sirens sounding nationwide, after invoking Article 51 self-defence on 28 May following the Ali Al Salem ballistic-missile strike. The repeated interceptions test whether Kuwait's domestic politics can sustain hosting US forces as a de facto co-belligerent.
China (PRC)
China (PRC)
Beijing sent scholars to Shangri-La rather than its defence minister and addressed Taiwan without mentioning Iran, maintaining bilateral energy corridor protection with Tehran while refusing diplomatic exposure at multilateral forums. Trump barred China as an HEU custodian on 27 May, removing Beijing from the deal architecture while China continues supplying DPI hardware that caps Iran's internet.
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's held its Hormuz war-risk designation at $10-14 million per voyage while Brent recovered to $93.91, maintaining the structural divergence from futures pricing that has persisted since late May. Underwriters require a UN Security Council resolution or government certification letter, not diplomatic optimism.
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Five Gulf states wrote to the IMO on 21 May rejecting Iran's PGSA transit authority over international waters; Saudi Arabia and the UAE have not confirmed participation in the European Hormuz mission. The GCC is navigating between US security guarantees and exposure to Iranian fire, with no Gulf state formally co-belligerent except Kuwait.