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Cuba Dispatch
18MAY

Diaz-Canel admits Russian oil running out

3 min read
19:15UTC

On 4 May Miguel Diaz-Canel told reporters the Kolodkin's 730,000-barrel cargo was depleting and Cuba had no certainty about the next shipment.

PoliticsDeveloping
Key takeaway

The president put on his own record what UNE bulletins had implied: the Kolodkin cushion is gone.

President Miguel Díaz-Canel said publicly on Monday 4 May 2026 that the Russian crude delivered by the Anatoly Kolodkin on 31 March is "already running out these days" and that Cuba has "no certainty about the arrival of another shipment" 1. The statement is the first presidential acknowledgement of the fuel gap, made one day before the Antonio Guiteras plant tripped on 5 May.

The Kolodkin's 730,000-barrel delivery had powered the late-April window of restored grid stability in Havana . At Cuba's roughly 60,000-barrel-per-day baseline crude consumption, that cargo bought ten to twelve days of margin. The cushion has now been burnt, and the next Russian vessel positioned for Cuba is the Sovcomflot Universal, which Bloomberg locates 1,000 nautical miles offshore on 5 May at a pace that cannot reach port before its GL 134B licence expires.

The admission breaks an information pattern. Earlier crude tightness had been signalled through UNE bulletin language and indirect minister statements; the 4 May admission came from the president on the record. The 10 April back-channel between State Department officials and Havana , and the GL 134B extension issued on 18 April have not produced a confirmed second tanker. The combination of those two facts means Havana is signalling, in public, that the Russian-Cuban supply chain is at the edge of what Sovcomflot can move under sanctions cover.

The diplomatic reading runs alongside the operational one. A presidential admission of fuel shortage is unusual in Cuban political grammar; it is normally absorbed into ministry-level language about "complex moments." Díaz-Canel's choice to put the words on his own record raises domestic expectation pressure on Moscow at exactly the moment Washington's 1 May sanctions order tightens the personal architecture around officials and their families.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Cuba has to import almost all its oil, it does not produce enough to run its power stations, vehicles, and industry. The most recent delivery came from a Russian ship called the Anatoly Kolodkin in March. That fuel lasted about five to six weeks before running out. On 4 May, Cuba's president said publicly that the Russian oil was almost gone and that Cuba had no confirmed next delivery. This is unusual: Cuban leaders do not normally admit supply problems so directly. It signals that the situation on the ground, widespread blackouts visible to millions of people, has made managing the news impossible.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

Cuba imports approximately 60,000-70,000 barrels per day of fuel, almost entirely from Venezuela and Russia. Venezuelan supply was curtailed after EO 14380 excluded GAESA from the PDVSA licence framework on 25 March 2026. Russia became the sole remaining state-level supplier.

A single tanker delivery of 730,000 barrels covers approximately 10-12 days of national consumption, which aligns precisely with the four blackout-free days achieved in Havana during the Kolodkin burn and the subsequent relapse.

Cuba holds no strategic fuel reserve beyond the Matanzas terminal storage, which covers a few weeks of consumption at most. With no second tanker confirmed and the Universal deterred from declaring its Cuban destination, Cuba's grid is operating on a consumption curve rather than a storage buffer.

What could happen next?
  • Risk

    With the Kolodkin fuel exhausted and no confirmed replacement, Cuba's grid deficit will worsen unless Russia dispatches a second vessel before the Universal's GL 134B licence expires on 16 May.

  • Consequence

    A presidential fuel-gap admission creates a domestic credibility problem for Díaz-Canel: any further deterioration in conditions will now be measured against his own public acknowledgement of the supply failure.

First Reported In

Update #3 · Family sanctions land as the grid relapses

Periódico Cubano· 7 May 2026
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Different Perspectives
OCDH and dissident coalition (Otero Alcántara, Osorbo proxies)
OCDH and dissident coalition (Otero Alcántara, Osorbo proxies)
The Madrid-based OCDH coordinated the 13 May Brussels handover after the Cuban Supreme Popular Court rejected Otero Alcántara's early-release appeal in late April. The coalition's pivot to the EU restrictive-measures track follows procedural closure of the early-release vector before the 24 April US deadline lapsed.
European Union (Kajsa Ollongren)
European Union (Kajsa Ollongren)
Ollongren received the Acuerdo de Liberación in Brussels on 13 May from OCDH, Cuba Decide, Alianza de Cristianos de Cuba and Christian Solidarity Worldwide, a four-organisation petition for EU asset freezes on named Cuban officials and a victims' compensation fund. Brussels has been asked to open a restrictive-measures track parallel to the US personal-sanctions architecture.
Russia and Sovcomflot
Russia and Sovcomflot
Moscow stayed publicly silent on the Universal's status after the 16 May GL 134B expiry. The 270,000-barrel diesel cargo sits roughly 1,000 nautical miles from Cuba under an exclusion clause operative from loading; Sovcomflot carries indefinite legal exposure without US enforcement, and the announced replacement for the depleted Kolodkin is the very vessel that cannot lawfully unload.
Holy See (Pope Leo XIV)
Holy See (Pope Leo XIV)
Pope Leo XIV hosted Rubio for 45 minutes on 9 May with Cuba and Venezuela on the agenda, opening institutional space for US humanitarian aid routed through the Catholic Church rather than GAESA. His three pre-pontifical Cuba visits (2008, 2011, 2019) give the Holy See standing inside Cuban Catholic infrastructure that the State Department lacks.
Cuban government (Díaz-Canel, Rodríguez Parrilla, De la O Levy)
Cuban government (Díaz-Canel, Rodríguez Parrilla, De la O Levy)
Díaz-Canel's 13 May Facebook post offered dialogue "on equal terms" while ruling out political prisoners on the table; De la O Levy publicly conceded the island was "out of fuel" and corrected the Venezuelan cut-off date to November 2025. The framing casts US pressure as collective punishment without naming EO 14404 directly.
Trump administration and Florida Republican delegation (Bessent, Rubio, Giménez, Díaz-Balart, Salazar)
Trump administration and Florida Republican delegation (Bessent, Rubio, Giménez, Díaz-Balart, Salazar)
OFAC let GL 134B lapse on 16 May without a successor and added Lastres Morera as the first SDN under EO 14404 on 7 May. Giménez's 7 May press release endorsed the order as targeting the "regime's security apparatus"; Díaz-Balart and Salazar aligned. The Florida delegation moved from pressure to credit-taking on the personal-sanctions architecture.