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Iran Conflict 2026
28FEB

US strikes four Iranian sites near Hormuz

3 min read
19:00UTC

Donald Trump ordered CENTCOM onto Iranian soil for the first time in 100 days of war, hours after telling reporters a deal was in its 'final throes'.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Trump's first decisive Iran act in 100 days was a missile strike, not the deal he keeps promising.

CENTCOM (US Central Command) struck Iranian air-defence, radar and ground-control sites at Qeshm Island, Bandar Abbas, Sirik and Jask between 22:00 GMT on Tuesday 9 June and 01:00 GMT on Wednesday 10 June, at Donald Trump's direct order⁠1. For 100 days the US-Iran front had been sanctions and the Strait of Hormuz blockade while Israel did the kinetic work; this was the first American ordnance on Iranian soil since the war began⁠2. CENTCOM called it a "proportional response" and "self-defence", citing Iran's downing of a US AH-64 Apache helicopter, the aircraft logged "cause unknown" a day earlier and now resolved.

The strike package hit four named sites, yet Al Jazeera, citing Iranian accounts, reported the damage ran to a single telecoms tower at Sirik and two water tanks⁠3. The kinetic footprint stayed small while the political signal ran large. A target set of coastal air-defence and radar, not Fordow or Natanz, reads as a deliberately survivable strike: Washington demonstrated reach without forcing the all-out nuclear exchange that hitting an enrichment site would compel.

Trump had told reporters on 9 June that an Iran deal was in its "final throes"; he ordered missiles onto Iranian territory within hours of saying it. The president who signed nothing across 100 days, no AUMF, no Article 51 notice, no nuclear memorandum, answered a stalled negotiation with ordnance rather than paper. What closed the war's defining action-versus-words gap was a missile order, not a signature, which means every legal instrument remains unsigned even now.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

The United States military launched air strikes on Iran overnight on 9-10 June 2026. The targets were radar stations and air-defence equipment near the strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway through which a fifth of the world's oil travels. The stated reason was that an American military helicopter, a type called an AH-64 Apache, had gone down near the strait earlier that day. The US President ordered the strikes as retaliation, calling it self-defence. Iran says the radar sites were protecting its own coast. No new permission from the US Congress was sought; the President argued he already had the authority.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

The casus belli chain runs from the Apache downing through CENTCOM's 'self-defence' doctrine, but the structural precondition was set earlier: CENTCOM had already struck Iranian radar at Goruk and Qeshm Island in late May and on 31 May to 1 June, establishing a pattern of airspace-denial strikes that Iran had not yet answered with ordnance on American aircraft.

When the Apache went down, CENTCOM's existing strike precedent meant the only doctrinal response it had available was another radar-suppression package.

The deeper root cause is the 100-day gap between the start of hostilities and any signed US legal authority. Defence Secretary Hegseth's May Senate testimony converted Article II self-defence from a fallback into a named policy.

Once it became stated doctrine that no AUMF was required, the threshold for ordering strikes fell to whatever Trump defined as necessary at the moment of decision, with no congressional gate and no UN notification requirement in the administration's own legal theory.

What could happen next?
  • Precedent

    CENTCOM's 9 June strike package marks the first American ordnance on Iranian sovereign territory since the war began on 28 February, establishing a new threshold Iran now must decide whether to accept or escalate above.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    With no Article 51 notification filed and no AUMF in place, the US legal position on the strikes rests entirely on Trump's Article II self-defence assertion, leaving the action vulnerable to challenge in any subsequent war-powers litigation or allied diplomatic forum.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Consequence

    Degrading Iranian radar and ground-control at four Hormuz-proximate sites reduces Tehran's situational awareness around the strait's chokepoint, potentially increasing Iran's reliance on IRGC missile salvos rather than air-defence coordination as its primary deterrent posture.

    Medium term · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #123 · Trump orders strikes on Iranian soil

Al Jazeera· 10 Jun 2026
Read original →
Different Perspectives
Wang Yi
Wang Yi
China's foreign minister and Djibouti's issued a joint communique on 21 October saying the war should not reach the Horn of Africa and stressing free navigation through Bab al-Mandeb. The text names neither Iran nor the Houthis, and Djibouti hosts China's only overseas military base, opposite the Yemeni coast.
Ministry of External Affairs
Ministry of External Affairs
India's foreign ministry called the attacks on Saudi civilian and energy sites "unacceptable" on 22 October and said they must stop at once. An Indian died at Dammam, Indians were injured there and at Shaybah, and about 4,000 Umrah pilgrims remain stranded by one MP's count.
Iraq
Iraq
Iraq closed the al-Sheeb crossing with Iran to travellers and trucks from 21 October and said other crossings would close gradually. Unlike September's closure, which ended on a staged timetable, this one has none, and Iran's interior ministry said it received no notice.
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Egypt's president said on 21 October that Cairo's support would "defend Saudi territory, and does not include an attack on Yemen". Araghchi warned that Egyptian involvement would further complicate the situation, and Cairo's limit matches the one Ankara set on 8 October against attacking another state's soil.
UK Ministry of Defence
UK Ministry of Defence
The MoD said on 20 October that RAF Typhoons over Saudi Arabia will not strike the Houthis, but extended tanker support to Saudi operations including against Houthi targets in Yemen. The tanker line sets no limit on strikes, so British aircraft may now refuel Saudi jets on bombing runs.
Turkey
Turkey
Ankara sent the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement to parliament around 20 October, and its published text treats an attack on one party as an attack on all. Article 16 brings it into force only on the last ratification, so the 5 October invocation in Riyadh could not yet bind Turkey.

Written with AI from Lowdown's published reporting. Not individually reviewed by an editor. Editorial standards.