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Iran Conflict 2026
12JUN

US sanctions the strait it will reopen

5 min read
09:18UTC

On 28 May the US Treasury sanctioned Iran's Persian Gulf Strait Authority hours after negotiators reached a 60-day memorandum promising a toll-free Hormuz. The signed order took effect; the deal sat unsigned.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

OFAC sanctioned the toll body the MOU promises to dissolve, blocking the deal's own reopening on day one.

On Thursday 28 May, the US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC, the bureau that runs American sanctions and keeps the Specially Designated Nationals list) put Iran's Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA, the toll body Tehran stood up on 5 May) on that list under Executive Order 13224, the post-9/11 counterterrorism authority 1. The same day, US and Iranian negotiators reached a tentative 60-day memorandum of understanding (MOU, a non-binding statement of agreed terms) that would reopen the Strait of Hormuz, the chokepoint for roughly 20% of the world's oil, to shipping "unrestricted, no tolls, no harassment" 2. The PGSA is the body that levied tolls of up to $2 million per transit and whose Hormuz controlled-zone coordinates Iran published on 20 May .

OFAC's designation took legal effect the moment Treasury published it on 28 May, while the MOU carried no legal force at all: President Donald Trump received the final-deal briefing and declined to sign, asking for "a few days to think about it" 3, while Vice-President JD Vance called the talks "still TBD" on "a couple of language points" 4. Iran's Tasnim news agency called any Western claim of finalisation "not valid" 5, and Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran's Supreme Leader, has not approved the text 6. The MOU itself reflected the Phase 2 sequencing Iran's state broadcaster aired on 27 May, deferring the disposal of its Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU, material refined close to weapons grade) to the first 60-day negotiation . Trump had narrowed that path a day earlier when he rejected both Russia and China as custodians for Iran's stockpile and told negotiators not to rush .

OFAC's order and the MOU collide on one mechanism. The reported MOU promises toll-free passage, yet the PGSA would still coordinate that passage, and the deal text as described carries no clause de-listing it. Any vessel using a reopened strait under PGSA coordination would be transacting with a sanctioned counterparty, so the foreign banks that finance the charter risk secondary sanctions 7. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent framed the designation as a strike at extortion: "The Iranian military's latest attempt to extort global maritime trade is proof that Economic Fury has left the regime desperate for cash" 8. EO 13224 designations unwind slowly and case by case; the MOU sets a 30-day clock for Iran to clear sea mines but no parallel clock to lift the sanction, so the commercial and legal timelines are mismatched from signature.

The designation may be pre-signature leverage rather than contradiction, maximum pressure held until the ink dries. Either way, unless OFAC de-lists the PGSA or issues a carve-out general licence, the reopened-Hormuz terms are unworkable from the first vessel, with the 1 June War Powers Resolution wind-down due to lapse uncontested days later as the House stays in recess until 2 June .

Deep Analysis

In plain English

On 28 May, US and Iranian negotiators agreed in principle that the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow sea passage through which roughly a fifth of the world's oil flows, could reopen to ships without paying Iran's recently imposed transit tolls. The same day, a separate US government office called OFAC (the Office of Foreign Assets Control, which administers America's financial sanctions) added the Iranian body that collects those tolls, the Persian Gulf Strait Authority, to a terrorism blacklist. That designation means any bank or insurer that handles money connected to that body risks losing access to the US financial system. OFAC's blacklisting means that even if the strait physically reopens, no shipping company's bank will process the payment, and no insurer will cover the voyage, as long as the toll-collecting body sits on the terrorism list. Neither side can fix this quickly. The US President would have to formally remove the terrorism designation, which is a separate, higher-level process than ordinary sanctions relief. Iran's parliament would also have to repeal the law that created the toll body. Both are major political acts that neither government has taken.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

OFAC's 28 May PGSA designation under EO 13224 reflects a structural feature of the US sanctions architecture: counterterrorism authority designations are maintained by the Treasury's Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence (TFI), a separate bureaucratic chain from the Iran-sanctions desk.

A diplomatic track managed by the State Department and the White House NSC cannot instruct TFI to suspend an EO 13224 designation. Only the President can act, and only through a formal revocation or a specific presidential waiver, both of which require documented national-security justification.

The PGSA was established under Iranian domestic legislation passed by the Majlis on 5 May, making it a statutory body whose continued operation is now a matter of Iranian constitutional law, not merely IRGC policy. Tehran cannot dismantle it by executive instruction without a Majlis repeal.

This creates a symmetric lock: the US cannot waive the designation without formal presidential action, and Iran cannot shut the PGSA without parliamentary action, so neither side can unilaterally resolve the contradiction the 28 May events created.

The Lloyd's Joint War Committee's decision to hold its Hormuz war-risk designation unchanged despite the MOU news compounds the commercial lock: hull war-risk cover requires both a political de-escalation signal and a written regulatory framework before the Committee will consider de-listing. The simultaneous PGSA SDN designation removed the second condition on the day it appeared to be within reach.

Escalation

The 28 May legal contradiction pushes the diplomatic track toward stalemate rather than resolution. Trump's refusal to sign and Khamenei's non-approval mean the MOU exists only as a reported structure, not a document. The PGSA designation gives hardliners in both capitals a concrete institutional obstacle to hold up as proof the other side is not serious.

The most likely near-term trajectory is that MOU talks continue in parallel with the designation remaining live, producing a legal stalemate that prevents commercial reopening even if both governments announce agreement.

What could happen next?
  • Consequence

    Commercial shipping insurers cannot resume Hormuz cover while PGSA remains on the SDN list under EO 13224, regardless of MOU status, because dollar-clearing banks have no published safe harbour.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    If Trump signs the MOU without first removing the PGSA designation, the agreement will be commercially inoperative, and both sides will be able to blame the other for the breakdown without either having formally walked away.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Precedent

    The simultaneous MOU-and-designation move on 28 May mirrors the January 2020 playbook, when EO 13224 designations outlasted a concurrent diplomatic opening by 14 months; that precedent suggests the PGSA designation will persist well past any notional MOU signing.

    Medium term · Assessed
  • Meaning

    The War Powers Resolution 60-day wind-down expiry on 1 June (ID:3655) means Congress loses its procedural lever on the same week the MOU talks may collapse over the PGSA designation, removing the one domestic check that might have pressured the White House toward a coherent legal framework.

    Short term · Assessed
First Reported In

Update #111 · US sanctions the strait its deal reopens

Axios· 29 May 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
US sanctions the strait it will reopen
A signed sanctions instrument outranks an unsigned peace memo, and the two land on the same Hormuz mechanism on the same day.
Different Perspectives
Oil markets and Lloyd's of London
Oil markets and Lloyd's of London
Brent fell to $89.25 on ceasefire probability, not new barrels, with traders voting for Trump's deed over Tehran's denial. Lloyd's has not repriced Hormuz war-risk cover because its trigger requires a UN Security Council resolution or government certification, so tanker insurance costs remain elevated regardless of the spot move.
Pakistan and Qatar mediators
Pakistan and Qatar mediators
Pakistan's Mohsin Naqvi was in Tehran for his second visit in under a week, using the Pakistan-Qatar channel that delivered April's ceasefire after an identical public-denial cycle. The channel carries both civilian and military buy-in from Islamabad, the only configuration Iran's split command cannot dismiss as a partial signal.
India
India
India summoned the US Deputy Chief of Mission after three Indian sailors were killed aboard MT Settebello, the first formal grievance from a major non-belligerent directed at US enforcement. Indian seafarers supply roughly 12 per cent of the global maritime workforce; their presence on third-flag Gulf tankers is structurally inevitable regardless of bilateral diplomacy.
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
The IRGC declared Hormuz closed on 11 June while civilian negotiators were on the same mediation channel, then issued no public comment on the MoU framework. Its silence on the framework, rather than any foreign ministry statement, is the operative approval signal; the corps' unilateral Hormuz closure shows it did not treat the diplomatic track as binding on its operations.
Iran foreign ministry (Baghaei)
Iran foreign ministry (Baghaei)
Esmail Baghaei told IRNA that reports of a finalised deal were 'merely speculation' and that Iran had 'not yet made a final decision'. The denial is structurally identical to Iranian foreign ministry statements during the April ceasefire talks, which produced a binding text within 48 hours of the same language.
Trump administration / CENTCOM
Trump administration / CENTCOM
Trump cancelled the third strike day and called the MoU 'very strong' and almost ready to sign, while CENTCOM kept tanker enforcement running in the same 24-hour window. The administration is simultaneously withdrawing the military pressure it claims drove the deal and sustaining the enforcement campaign it is trying to trade away.