6AUG

Trump's toll-payer order targets allied ships

3 min read

15:43UTC

Trump ordered the Navy to stop any vessel that paid Iran's Hormuz toll, a list that includes French and Japanese ships whose governments refused to join the blockade.

← Back to Two Hormuz deals, neither one published Jump to analysis ↓

ConflictDeveloping

Key takeaway

The blockade threatens to interdict vessels from allies who refused to join it.

France's CMA CGM Kribi and Japan's Mitsui OSK both paid Iran's Hormuz toll in yuan in early April. Under Trump's toll-interdiction order, both vessels, and potentially others from the Philippines and UAE, are targets for US Navy interception in international waters.

CENTCOM's operational order does not include this provision. Whether that reflects a deliberate decision to avoid the most explosive implications of the tweet, or a narrower military reading of the order, is unknown. The gap creates daily legal exposure: any officer who intercepts a French or Japanese vessel under the presidential order, or any officer who does not, acts without clear authority.

The blockade was designed to pressure Tehran. It has instead handed Paris and Tokyo a grievance against Washington . The EU had already rejected Trump's suggestion of a US-Iran "joint venture" on toll collection, citing UNCLOS transit passage rights. France and Japan are now members of the UK's reopening coalition while also appearing on the US interception list for having paid Iran's fees.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran has been charging ships a fee , called a toll , to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. Some European and Asian companies paid this toll to keep their goods moving, including a French shipping company (CMA CGM) and a Japanese energy firm (Mitsui OSK). Trump's social media post said the US Navy should stop any ship that had paid Iran this toll , which would include those French and Japanese vessels. France and Japan are US allies who refused to join the blockade. CENTCOM's actual military order did not include this instruction. So right now, there is a gap between what Trump said should happen to allied ships and what the US military is actually doing. That gap has not been publicly resolved.

What could happen next?

Risk
France could invoke UNCLOS Article 300 (good faith obligations) and file immediate ITLOS proceedings if a CMA CGM vessel is stopped, creating an international court process that would take months but generate immediate diplomatic crisis.
Short term · 0.72
Consequence
CENTCOM's omission of the toll-interdiction provision from its operational order leaves a daily decision gap: every officer on patrol near a toll-paying allied vessel must choose which authority to obey without clear guidance.
Immediate · 0.88
Risk
If France and Japan are both targeted as toll-payers and members of the UK's 40-nation reopening coalition, the US blockade and the UK coalition are in direct operational conflict over the same vessels in the same waterway.
Immediate · 0.8

Source Landscape

This story draws on mixed-leaning sources from United States (includes United States state media)

United States×2

Primary parallel: The 1986 US strikes on Libya were preceded by the Gulf of Sidra dispute, in which the Reagan administration asserted the right to transit waters Libya claimed as internal. When Libya enforced its exclusion zone, the US struck back , but only after Libya fired first. The critical difference from 2026: the US asserted freedom of navigation against a unilateral claim, not the right to interdict vessels that paid a fee to a third party's exclusion claim.

Counter-parallel: The 1973 Arab oil embargo saw the US contemplate interdicting tankers carrying Arab oil to neutral states , a plan ultimately rejected by the Nixon administration's legal counsel as having no basis in Law of the Sea. The 2026 toll-payer order attempts what Nixon's lawyers refused.

The toll-payer provision targets a specific financial architecture Iran built to sustain revenue through the blockade. CMA CGM Kribi paid in yuan on 4 April ; Mitsui OSK's Sohar LNG also transited. If the US actually intercepts either vessel, it would trigger immediate insurance invalidation for all toll-paying transits, collapse the yuan-denominated fee system Iran relies on, and expose French and Japanese shipping companies to US secondary sanctions.

CMA CGM is the world's third-largest container shipping company by fleet capacity. A US interdiction of one of its vessels would force the company to reroute its entire Asia-Pacific portfolio via Cape of Good Hope , adding 10-12 days and estimated $2-3 million per voyage in fuel costs. The knock-on effect for European importers of Asian goods would be measurable within 30 days.

Consensus view: The German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) and France's Institut Français des Relations Internationales (IFRI) both assess the toll-payer provision as the most legally aggressive element of the blockade: interdicting a vessel flagged by a sovereign state that paid a fee to transit a waterway constitutes an act of hostility against that state under UNCLOS and the 1944 Chicago Convention's principle of sovereign immunity over flagged vessels.

IFRI's Marc Hecker notes that CMA CGM Kribi, as a Malta-flagged vessel with French ownership, creates a dual-jurisdiction dispute between France and Malta.

Counter-view: The Heritage Foundation's James Jay Carafano argues that any vessel paying Iran's Hormuz toll is providing material support to a state the US has designated as a terrorism sponsor, and that IEEPA authority , however lacking in formal instruments , gives the executive branch latitude to treat toll payment as a sanctions violation. He cites the 2019 secondary sanctions on Iranian oil buyers as precedent for targeting third-country commercial actors.

Key tension: Whether paying Iran a transit fee is a commercial transaction protected by freedom of navigation, or a material contribution to a sanctioned state that the US can prohibit extraterritorially , a question no court has yet ruled on in the context of a contested waterway.

First Reported In

Update #67 · Trump blockades Iran on a tweet

CENTCOM / Al Jazeera· 13 Apr 2026

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Causes and effects

This Event

Trump's toll-payer order targets allied ships

Interdicting allied flag vessels in international waters would rupture Western alliance relations more severely than any action since the war began.

Led to

US warship seizes Iranian cargo ship Touska

The Spruance seizure extended blockade authority from Trump's 12 April Truth Social post (ID:2284) to a kinetic ship-taking threshold without any new signed instrument.

Occurred 19 Apr 2026

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France and Japan file flag-state protests

Trump's toll-interdiction order omitted from CENTCOM's operational order (ID:2284) is the direct trigger for the French and Japanese formal flag-state protests: both vessels appeared on the presidential list CENTCOM chose not to implement.

Occurred 14 Apr 2026

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Iran tanker tests Cooper blockade claim

Trump's omitted toll-interdiction provision (ID:2284) is the authority gap that allowed the Agios Fanourios I and the sanctioned Iranian supertanker to attempt transit.

Occurred 15 Apr 2026

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Different Perspectives

Hengaw

The Norway-based monitoring group reported the Urmia executions of Omid Behzad and Pouria Safvat, the only source to do so, consistent with its documented pattern of recording far more executions than the Iranian state acknowledges. Iran's government has not confirmed either execution.

Shipping and insurance underwriters

War-risk premiums price the Houthi campaign because the group announces its targets in advance, but a reopening Trump has promised without a published text gives underwriters no benchmark to reprice Hormuz cover against. Insurers want a text before they move rates, not a promise.

Houthi movement

Spokesman Yahya Saree claimed strikes on two tankers in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden on 5 August, only one of which UKMTO could confirm. The group's campaign against shipping continues on its own schedule, independent of any Hormuz arrangement further north.

Oman

Muscat has brokered the coordinates both Tehran and Washington's wire sources now describe differently, but has published no account of its own. Oman's position depends on treating Hormuz as a shared route, which is not what Iran is currently describing.

United States Central Command

CENTCOM raised its interdiction tally from 35 to 44 redirected vessels and disclosed its first boardings on 3 August, the day before Trump promised a reopening. The command's own enforcement record does not yet reflect the release the President has described.

Iran's Foreign Ministry

Spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei described the agreed Hormuz coordinates as a wholly new corridor under Iranian management, not a split of the existing route, days after his own deputy rejected Oman's lane proposal. Tehran wants the arrangement read as a change of ownership, not a compromise on access.