Skip to content
Welcome, thoughtbot's Giant Robots listeners!Start here
Iran Conflict 2026
9JUN

Iraq ramps Ceyhan pipeline toward 770kbd

3 min read
10:36UTC

Iraq is raising Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline throughput from 220kbd toward a 770kbd target over roughly two and a half months, the first new European-accessible crude route since the conflict began.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Ceyhan is the first real new supply lever, and its medium sour grade is what makes it count.

Iraq is ramping the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline from 220kbd (thousand barrels per day) toward a 770kbd target over roughly two and a half months⁠1. The line carries crude from the Kirkuk fields to Ceyhan, Turkey's Mediterranean export terminal, delivering oil to European refiners without touching The Gulf. The push comes as Iraq's southern output fell 70% to 1.3mbd and its seaborne exports dropped 97% in May, so the northern pipeline is replacing collapsed southern volume.

Oil funds about 90% of Iraqi state revenue, which makes the ramp a fiscal necessity rather than an opportunistic grab for market share. With the south choked, Baghdad has to push crude through the only export artery still open to it.

Kirkuk's medium sour barrels map directly onto the feedstock Mediterranean refiners lost when Russian Urals and Iraqi Basra supply tightened, so the addition matters by grade as much as by volume. That substitution, rather than the headline barrel count, is why a full ramp to 770kbd would rank as the largest European-accessible crude addition of the conflict so far. Where early-May freight priced a Hormuz-wide closure with the VLCC TD3C route near WS458, Ceyhan reframes the question from how to avoid The Gulf to whether the Mediterranean can be loaded fast enough to refill it.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iraq has two main ways to get its oil to buyers. The first is southern ports in The Gulf, which use supertankers, but those tankers cannot easily pass through the strait of Hormuz blockade right now. The second is a long pipeline running north through Iraq and Turkey to the Mediterranean coast at Ceyhan. Iraq is now trying to push as much oil as possible through that northern pipeline, ramping it from its current 220,000 barrels a day up to a target of 770,000. That oil would reach European refineries much more easily than Gulf oil right now. The problem is that this pipeline has had political disputes for years over who controls the oil fields and who gets paid what, so getting it to full capacity is not straightforward.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

Iraq's southern seaborne exports collapsing 97% to 1.3mbd reflects the Hormuz closure's direct impact on a country that routes most of its southern production through Basra Oil Terminal and Al-Faw, both of which require VLCC tankers that cannot safely transit a blockaded strait. Unlike Kuwait, which also has southern port dependency, Iraq has the Kirkuk-Ceyhan alternative.

Activating that alternative at scale requires resolving three overlapping constraints simultaneously: the Erbil-Baghdad lifting rights dispute, pipeline integrity maintenance deferred during the years of low utilisation (220kbd for most of 2024-25), and Turkey's transit tariff demands which EPDK has historically leveraged as a fiscal policy instrument.

What could happen next?
  • Opportunity

    A fully ramped Kirkuk-Ceyhan at 770kbd would add roughly one-third of Libya's total export programme to Mediterranean supply, providing a partial offset for the Gulf closure that European refiners have not had since April.

  • Risk

    The KRG-Baghdad fiscal dispute and Turkey's transit leverage mean the ramp could stall or reverse if payment terms collapse, as they did during the 2022-2023 shutdown.

First Reported In

Update #6 · OPEC's quota is fiction at a 37-year low

OilPrice.com· 8 Jun 2026
Read original →
Causes and effects
This Event
Iraq ramps Ceyhan pipeline toward 770kbd
Kirkuk's medium sour slate substitutes for the Basra and Urals feedstock Mediterranean refiners lost, so a 550kbd addition could soften Med sour differentials on grade match alone, independent of where the flat price sits.
Different Perspectives
Wang Yi
Wang Yi
China's foreign minister and Djibouti's issued a joint communique on 21 October saying the war should not reach the Horn of Africa and stressing free navigation through Bab al-Mandeb. The text names neither Iran nor the Houthis, and Djibouti hosts China's only overseas military base, opposite the Yemeni coast.
Ministry of External Affairs
Ministry of External Affairs
India's foreign ministry called the attacks on Saudi civilian and energy sites "unacceptable" on 22 October and said they must stop at once. An Indian died at Dammam, Indians were injured there and at Shaybah, and about 4,000 Umrah pilgrims remain stranded by one MP's count.
Iraq
Iraq
Iraq closed the al-Sheeb crossing with Iran to travellers and trucks from 21 October and said other crossings would close gradually. Unlike September's closure, which ended on a staged timetable, this one has none, and Iran's interior ministry said it received no notice.
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Egypt's president said on 21 October that Cairo's support would "defend Saudi territory, and does not include an attack on Yemen". Araghchi warned that Egyptian involvement would further complicate the situation, and Cairo's limit matches the one Ankara set on 8 October against attacking another state's soil.
UK Ministry of Defence
UK Ministry of Defence
The MoD said on 20 October that RAF Typhoons over Saudi Arabia will not strike the Houthis, but extended tanker support to Saudi operations including against Houthi targets in Yemen. The tanker line sets no limit on strikes, so British aircraft may now refuel Saudi jets on bombing runs.
Turkey
Turkey
Ankara sent the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement to parliament around 20 October, and its published text treats an attack on one party as an attack on all. Article 16 brings it into force only on the last ratification, so the 5 October invocation in Riyadh could not yet bind Turkey.

Written with AI from Lowdown's published reporting. Not individually reviewed by an editor. Editorial standards.