Skip to content
You can now search across every topic, entity and event.What's new
UK Local Elections 2026
22MAY

Tories Projected to Hold Zero Scottish Constituency Seats

3 min read
10:09UTC

Electoral Calculus published a Holyrood MRP on 7 April projecting the Scottish Conservatives at nine seats, every one of them from the regional list. All five current Conservative constituency seats fall to the SNP. It would be the first time since devolution began that the party holds no geographic representation whatsoever.

PoliticsAssessed
Key takeaway

Scottish Conservative constituency extinction would mark the first time since 1999 the party holds no geographic representation.

Electoral Calculus published its Holyrood MRP on 7 April 2026, drawing on 4,105 respondents surveyed 13 to 31 March. The headline finding for the Scottish Conservatives is zero constituency seats. All five seats they currently hold, including Aberdeenshire West, Dumfriesshire, Eastwood, Ettrick Roxburgh and Berwickshire, and Galloway and West Dumfries, are projected to fall to the SNP. Nine regional list seats survive. It would be the first time since the Scottish Parliament first convened in 1999 that the Conservatives held no constituency representation.

The Additional Member System was designed specifically to prevent the disproportionality that First past the post produces. The regional list element corrects for parties that win more votes than their constituency tally reflects. The corrective formula works in one direction: it pulls over-represented parties back towards proportionality. It cannot prevent under-representation when a party's constituency vote share collapses below viability across an entire nation. Nine list seats is not a correction; it is the minimum the formula permits when there is nothing to correct for.

A nominations slate locked in on 1 April means the candidate picture is fixed. The MRP's 4,105-respondent base carries wider confidence intervals at constituency level than it does for national vote share, and tactical voting, which MRP models struggle to capture, could rescue one or two individual seats such as Dumfriesshire or Eastwood. But the direction of travel has been consistent across multiple polls . At nine seats, Labour's projected 17 pushes the Conservatives into third and strips them of official opposition status, with all the committee allocations and First Minister's Questions access that implies.

The SNP's projected 67-seat majority is counterintuitively built without a single regional list seat. The AMS formula allocates list seats to correct for constituency over-performance; an SNP that wins 67 constituencies receives no list correction at all. Five-party fragmentation of the opposition vote is what drives the majority: votes spread across Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat, Green and Reform UK constituencies produce no single-party challenger capable of holding SNP seats. The SNP benefits from exactly the vote-splitting that the Additional Member System was designed to prevent.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Scotland has its own parliament called Holyrood, separate from Westminster in London. Scottish Parliament elections use a mixed voting system: voters vote twice, once for a local constituency candidate and once for a party list covering a larger region. This means parties can win seats even if they lose every local contest, as long as enough people vote for them on the party list. A polling company called Electoral Calculus has modelled the likely result using a large survey of over 4,000 Scottish voters. Their projection says the Scottish Conservative Party will win nine seats, but every single one of them from the regional list. They are projected to lose all five of the local constituency seats they currently hold, with each one going to the SNP. If this happens, it would be the first time since the Scottish Parliament opened in 1999 that the Conservative Party holds no constituency seat in Scotland. They would become a regional list-only party with no local representatives in any specific community. Scottish Labour is projected to win 17 seats, which would make them the second-largest party ahead of the Conservatives for the first time in devolution history.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

The deepest structural cause is the separation of Scottish Conservative identity from UK Conservative identity following the Boris Johnson era.

The Scottish party's relative success between 2016 and 2021 was built on Ruth Davidson's deliberate positioning as a distinctly Scottish Conservative brand, explicitly distancing itself from the social conservatism of the UK leadership on issues including equal marriage, immigration tone, and Brexit. Davidson's departure removed the personality that held that positioning together, and her successors have not been able to reconstruct it.

A secondary structural cause is the SNP's continued success in framing Scottish politics around the constitutional question of independence. In that frame, the relevant choice is between independence and union, not between Scottish conservatism and Scottish social democracy.

This framing squeezes every unionist party towards a single remaining USP: opposing independence more loudly than the others. Labour is equally capable of occupying that space, and does so from a policy platform more attractive to the centre-left Scottish electorate that makes up the majority of the unionist vote.

The Additional Member System's corrective formula is a third structural cause. AMS was designed to produce proportional outcomes, which means it compensates for under-performance but does not protect against genuine collapse: a party that falls below viability in constituency contests sees its list seat allocation reduced by the formula, not protected by it. The system's design amplifies the consequence of genuine vote share loss rather than softening it.

First Reported In

Update #2 · New Money Rules, Old Party Fractures

Electoral Calculus / Find Out Now· 10 Apr 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
Tories Projected to Hold Zero Scottish Constituency Seats
Losing all constituency seats removes the local accountability link that MSPs provide to individual communities; the Scottish Tories would become a list-only operation with no geographic foothold, and Labour would overtake them as official opposition for the first time since devolution.
Different Perspectives
Local Government Association
Local Government Association
New chair Eamonn O'Brien broke the LGA's neutrality on reorganisation for the first time since December 2024, telling the incoming prime minister the 'unprecedented scale' of disaggregation risks statutory services and asking him to adjust the LGR timetable, aligning the sector's institutional voice with the judicial review claims Suffolk, Essex and Norfolk have already filed.
Reform UK
Reform UK
Reform's £12m Harborne windfall from 2025 predates the 25 March retrospective crypto-donation ban, so the new law does not reach it; a live police probe into £500,000 of Cottrell donations continues, while the standards inquiry into Harborne's undeclared £5m gift is frozen since Farage vacated Clacton on 8 July.
Incoming Burnham government
Incoming Burnham government
Burnham secured 349 of the backing the NEC's 81-MP threshold required by 13 July, becoming Labour leader on 17 July and prime minister on 20 July without a members' ballot. He now inherits the LGR timetable the LGA wants him to adjust and a finance bill his own backbencher, Liam Byrne, is trying to harden further via amendment NC34.
Rupert Lowe / Restore Britain
Rupert Lowe / Restore Britain
Lowe called Farage's Clacton contest a 'Reform-sponsored media circus' and kept Restore Britain out of it, pledging instead to stand in the second by-election he expects the Harborne inquiry to force later this year. The boycott doubles as a signal that Restore Britain, not Reform, will contest the 'real' vote.
Kemi Badenoch / Conservative Party
Kemi Badenoch / Conservative Party
Badenoch dismissed Farage's Clacton contest as a 'fake by-election' and joined the boycott, but reserved the right to fight a genuine second contest if Greenberg's inquiry forces one. The Conservatives are betting their real fight comes in autumn, not July.
Rhun ap Iorwerth / Plaid Cymru
Rhun ap Iorwerth / Plaid Cymru
Ap Iorwerth defended a £145m NHS allocation at First Minister's Questions on 1 July, blaming a graduate-nurse shortfall on 2022 training decisions taken before his Plaid-led government took office in May. Answering for choices his government did not make gives his new administration its first real accountability test.