Kuwait's Mina Al-Ahmadi refinery — 730,000 barrels per day of capacity — was struck by Iranian drones for the second consecutive day, causing fires and unit shutdowns during Eid al-Fitr1. The refinery was first hit on 18 March alongside the nearby Mina Abdullah facility, in what were the first Iranian strikes on Kuwaiti Energy infrastructure since the war began. That attacks continued the following day — during a holiday shared by attacker and target — indicates the IRGC's campaign against Gulf refining capacity is sustained, not a single retaliatory gesture.
Iran's targeting has expanded in concentric rings over three weeks. The IRGC began with Israel and US bases, struck Gulf Energy infrastructure for the first time on 16 March at Qatar's Ras Laffan, then on 17 March issued named-facility warnings to Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE — the first time Iran specified individual targets with timetables. Qatar expelled Iranian military attachés within hours. Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan warned that Gulf patience is "not unlimited" and that trust in the 2023 China-brokered rapprochement has "completely been shattered". Kuwait now faces the reality that diplomatic distance from the conflict provided no protection.
Washington's response has been hardware, not diplomacy. Secretary Rubio bypassed congressional review for $8 billion in air defence radars to Kuwait and $8.5 billion in counter-drone systems to the UAE — emergency sales that acknowledge existing Gulf air defences cannot match the volume of incoming Iranian attacks. Cumulative UAE interceptions alone exceed 2,000 since 28 February. Each refinery fire, each Force majeure declaration, each day of suspended loading removes barrels from a market where spot crude already trades at a record premium. The IRGC's operating logic is to ensure the economic cost of this war is felt not only in Tehran and Washington but in every Gulf capital that hosts American forces.
