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Iran Conflict 2026
22MAY

Trump says taking Iran's oil is his goal

3 min read
11:08UTC

The US president told the Financial Times he wants to seize Iran's oil, claimed a peace deal was imminent, and sent thousands of troops to the Gulf. All on the same day.

ConflictAssessed
Key takeaway

Three incompatible US objectives persist until one is abandoned.

Trump told the Financial Times on 30 March that his 'favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,' directly naming Kharg Island, the terminal handling 90% of Iran's crude exports. 1 In the same interview he claimed Tehran had accepted 'most of' a US 15-point framework and that a deal 'could be soon.' He also acknowledged that killing Iran's leaders constitutes "regime change," contradicting weeks of administration denials. 2

Vice President Vance told a podcast five days ago that Iran's military is 'effectively destroyed,' then rebuked Prime Minister Netanyahu for "overselling the likelihood of Iran regime change" . Secretary of State Rubio told G7 ministers on 27 March that the war needs two to four more weeks . CENTCOM declared victory while the 82nd Airborne deployed . Iran's senior security officials responded through CNN: Tehran will determine when the war ends. Trump's own words have sharpened a contradiction that was already visible into something no diplomatic interlocutor can ignore.

No state enters peace negotiations while its adversary publicly declares intent to seize its primary revenue source. Pakistan's Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar was offering to host direct US-Iran talks 'in coming days' at the exact moment Trump's interview circulated. The Islamabad diplomatic track, the strongest multilateral initiative of the conflict , concluded without a communique. A counter-perspective exists: some analysts argue Trump's statements are negotiating pressure, not operational intent. But the Pentagon's simultaneous confirmation of 'weeks of ground operations' planning and the arrival of 3,500 Marines in CENTCOM make that reading harder to sustain.

The 1968 Vietnam parallel is uncomfortable but relevant. Washington simultaneously escalated forces and pursued peace talks in Paris. The war continued seven more years. Negotiations succeeded only when military options were exhausted. The structural conditions here are similar: no mechanism exists to force a choice between the three tracks until one fails on its own terms.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

On the same day that American warships with thousands of troops arrived near Iran, President Trump gave an interview saying he most wanted to 'take the oil' from Iran, naming a specific island where most of Iran's oil exports leave from. At the same time, he said a peace deal was close. These two things directly contradict each other. No country will negotiate peace while the other side is publicly planning to seize its main source of income. Pakistan was at that very moment hosting a meeting of four countries trying to arrange peace talks. Trump's interview landed in the middle of it.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

The US entered the conflict without a unified political objective. The military mission (degrade Iranian nuclear and missile capability) diverges structurally from the economic goal (reopen Hormuz) and the political goal (not government overthrow, per administration denials).

Trump's instinct to seize tangible assets reflects a transactional approach to conflict that treats oil as collateral, not as part of a coherent strategic objective. The administration inherited no policy consensus, and Trump's personal interventions have repeatedly overridden diplomatic channels before they consolidate.

What could happen next?
  • Consequence

    The Islamabad diplomatic track is structurally compromised. Pakistan cannot host talks where one party has publicly declared intent to seize the other's primary revenue source.

    Immediate · 0.9
  • Risk

    Three simultaneous and incompatible US objectives, with no internal mechanism to choose between them, increase the probability of unintended escalation as each track operates independently.

    Short term · 0.85
  • Precedent

    A presidential declaration of intent to seize a foreign state's primary resource terminal during active hostilities has no precedent in post-1945 international law outside colonial-era seizures.

    Long term · 0.95
First Reported In

Update #52 · Trump wants Iran's oil; 3,500 Marines land

CNBC / Financial Times· 30 Mar 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
Islamabad (Pakistan Armed Forces and Foreign Ministry)
Islamabad (Pakistan Armed Forces and Foreign Ministry)
Munir's cancellation reflects Islamabad's assessment that no bridging formula survives the collision of Khamenei's uranium directive, Rubio's Hormuz red line, and the sequencing gap simultaneously; Naqvi's relay role signals continued Pakistani engagement without a mandate to close any of the three gaps.
Lloyd's of London war-risk market
Lloyd's of London war-risk market
Published PGSA coordinates give underwriters the cartographic input to model tanker route exposure inside the claimed zone; OFAC's Sunday GL V ruling determines whether Hengli-Singapore dollar-clearing routes carry secondary-sanctions risk from Monday, adding a compliance layer to the existing kinetic war-risk premium.
Hengaw Human Rights Organisation
Hengaw Human Rights Organisation
Zaleh's trial lasted 'only a few minutes' before a conviction on PDKI membership charges at Naqadeh; the pattern of solitary detention, coerced confession, and minutes-long hearing is consistent with wartime political-charge architecture the organisation has documented across the Kurdish northwest.
Gulf Arab states (UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait)
Gulf Arab states (UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait)
The UAE has not published counter-coordinates to the PGSA's Hormuz zone map, leaving Emirati silence as the maritime-law response to Iran's charted boundary claim. Abu Dhabi's published position now defaults by omission toward implied acceptance of the zone's cartographic fact.
Beijing's Ministry of Commerce
Beijing's Ministry of Commerce
MOFCOM's blocking order covers Hengli and four other designated refineries on the mainland but does not extend to the dollar-clearing layer in Singapore, making Sunday's GL V expiry the first live test of whether Beijing's sanctions-defiance architecture reaches the place where dollars settle.
The White House
The White House
Trump's verbal track on Iran has produced no signed Iran-specific presidential instrument across 84 days; both financial-sector EOs signed on 19 May are unrelated to Hormuz or the IRGC. Rubio's public naming of the Hormuz toll architecture as a deal-killer is the administration's most concrete new position this week.