Bahrain arrested 41 alleged IRGC-linked individuals on Saturday 9 May, citing "espionage and expressions of support for Iranian attacks" during the February conflict 1. The Bahrain Interior Ministry named no individuals and published no charges. The United Arab Emirates dismantled an Iran-linked cell in April. Kuwait is running a parallel domestic security crackdown of its own. The arrests cluster suggests the three Gulf states are coordinating without saying so on the record.
The Iranian Army issued a separate warning on Sunday 10 May that countries obeying US sanctions "will certainly face problems" in Strait of Hormuz transit 2. Press TV carried the statement. The warning targets the regulatory layer Gulf interior ministries protect: shipping registries, port authorities, and the financial-compliance officers who enforce OFAC at the bunker counter (where ships take on fuel and a sanctions check is run on the buyer). The same officials whose job is to keep Iranian-origin cargo out of Gulf supply chains are now the named target of the next escalation.
The Iranian doctrine now reaches a second institutional tier. The maritime tier came first, with the Persian Gulf Strait Authority toll system that began billing transits in early May . The domestic tier comes now. Gulf interior ministries are running anti-IRGC operations on the same weekend their foreign ministries are mediating, and Tehran is putting their merchant fleets on notice for the compliance work the same governments are doing. The split between the diplomatic and security tracks runs through every Gulf cabinet.
The historical template comes from the late-1980s Tanker War, when Iran retaliated against Kuwaiti shipping for Kuwait's financial backing of Iraq. That campaign forced Kuwaiti reflagging under US protection in 1987 and triggered Operation Earnest Will. The structural play is the same now: naval pressure against Gulf shipping as punishment for the third-party financial and regulatory apparatus supporting the adversary. The difference is that the same Gulf governments are also Tehran's only available diplomatic channel to Washington, which makes the punishment expensive on both sides.
