26JUL

China condemns the blockade it uses

3 min read

10:21UTC

Lowdown Newsroom

← Back to The €890m fine that cost more than it collects Jump to analysis ↓

TechnologyDeveloping

Key takeaway

Beijing protests the blockade in public and uses it in private, and the carve-out keeps both true.

Guo Jiakun, spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, called the US blockade 'dangerous and irresponsible' on Monday and said it 'will only exacerbate tensions and undermine the already fragile ceasefire agreement.' A second statement the following day repeated the language. Beijing, Guo said, would 'make efforts to help restore peace and stability.' Between the two statements, the Chinese-owned, US-sanctioned tankers Rich Starry and Elpis transited the strait of Hormuz under CENTCOM's non-Iranian-port carve-out without incident. China has filed no formal sanctions challenge.

Beijing's annual oil imports from Iran are roughly a sixth of total crude purchases, the volume that would have given a formal legal challenge both motive and standing. The diplomatic protest and the commercial transit are the same event from different angles. Beijing is arguing against the blockade in public while its tankers use the operational order's gaps in private. The rhetorical register is escalating; the operational register is not. China's leverage sits in what moves, not what is said.

The dual posture is stable only while the carve-out holds. If CENTCOM widens its operational order to include non-Iranian-port traffic, Beijing's quiet mode ends. A formal Chinese challenge at that point would move from press briefing to UN procedural filing and would test the blockade's legality in a way the unsigned presidential posture cannot defend. The same ambiguity that currently lets Chinese crude cross freely is the ambiguity that keeps Beijing's response below the threshold that would force a reckoning over the Pacific. Both sides benefit from the fog, for now.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

China's government publicly called the US blockade 'dangerous and irresponsible' two days running. Across the same two days, two Chinese-owned tankers that the US had already sanctioned for carrying Iranian oil sailed straight through the Strait of Hormuz; because the US military's written order only blocked ships going to Iranian ports, not all Chinese-owned ships. So China is doing two things at once: complaining loudly about the blockade in public, while quietly using the gap the US military left open to keep buying discounted Iranian oil. This is not contradictory from Beijing's perspective; protesting the principle while exploiting the practice is a consistent Chinese foreign policy approach. The tanker transits are the more important signal: they demonstrate that US secondary sanctions, without matching naval enforcement, have no coercive weight over Chinese commercial operations.

Deep Analysis

Root Causes

The structural condition enabling China's dual-register response is CENTCOM's non-Iranian-port carve-out, which was written precisely to avoid triggering Chinese-flag-state incidents. CENTCOM's lawyers understood that boarding a PLA-connected tanker in international waters without a presidential directive or UNSC mandate would create a bilateral incident with no legal defence. By excluding non-Iranian-port traffic, CENTCOM preserved the status quo on China while appearing to execute a blockade.

China's structural incentive is straightforward: Iranian oil at a discount provides roughly 15 per cent of its total crude imports. The dark-fleet architecture Beijing developed since 2022; sanctioned vessels operating outside Western insurance and financial systems; was specifically designed to absorb this kind of commercial environment. The blockade's carve-out is an accidental gift to a supply chain China has been building for four years.

What could happen next?

Consequence
CENTCOM's non-Iranian-port carve-out creates a structural exception for China's dark-fleet operations that cannot be closed without a presidential directive Beijing would contest as an act of economic warfare
Immediate · 0.85
Risk
If CENTCOM widens its operational order to include non-Iranian-port sanctioned traffic, China's response calculus shifts from quiet protest to potential countermeasures against US commercial interests
Short term · 0.65
Precedent
China's demonstrated ability to transit US-sanctioned vessels through a US-enforced blockade establishes a template for future secondary-sanctions evasion via dark-fleet architecture in any theatre
Long term · 0.8

Source Landscape

This story draws on neutral-leaning sources

Primary parallel: During the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War, China supplied both sides simultaneously while maintaining neutral diplomatic positions with both Tehran and Baghdad. Chinese state arms companies (Norinco, CATIC) sold weapons to Iran while China's government called publicly for peace; the commercial and diplomatic registers were independently managed. The current pattern; tankers transit while spokespersons condemn; replicates this dual-register tradition with contemporary instruments.

Counter-parallel: In 2010-12, when the Obama administration imposed secondary sanctions on Chinese banks doing business with Iran, Beijing initially protested and then quietly complied: Bank of Kunlun was designated, Chinese financial institutions withdrew from Iran transactions, and oil import growth slowed.

The secondary-sanction mechanism worked. The difference now is that China's Iran imports are conducted through a sanctioned dark fleet operating outside the formal financial system; the SWIFT-based pressure point that worked in 2012 does not reach these vessels.

Consensus view: Fudan University's Zhao Mingsheng and the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS) both characterise Beijing's dual-register response; diplomatic condemnation plus commercial transit; as 'strategic ambiguity with Chinese characteristics': Beijing extracts maximum economic benefit from the CENTCOM carve-out while maintaining the diplomatic posture of opposition.

The key mechanism is that Beijing has filed no formal sanctions challenge against the CENTCOM operational order, meaning the dual tanker transit is legally unchallenged and commercially exploitable. China's leverage sits entirely in what moves, not what is said.

Counter-view: Tsinghua University's Yan Xuetong, China's most hawkish international relations theorist, argues that Beijing's rhetorical register is not merely performative; it is a sovereignty signal.

By publicly condemning the blockade twice in 48 hours while transiting the carve-out, China is communicating that it will not accept secondary sanctions on its tankers without retaliation, while simultaneously demonstrating that the CENTCOM order is inadequate to actually stop Chinese commercial interests. The condemnation is a soft enforcement boundary; the transit is the test of it.

Key tension: Whether Beijing's current posture; loud protest, quiet commercial exploitation; is stable if CENTCOM widens its operational order to include non-Iranian-port sanctioned traffic (which would stop Rich Starry-class transits), or whether that scenario triggers Chinese measures against US commercial interests in the Pacific.

Sources:Chinese Foreign Ministry

Mentions:Guo Jiakun →Chinese Foreign Ministry →Rich Starry →Elpis →Iraq →Iran-Iraq War →Tehran →Prima →Fudan University →Baghdad →Strait of Hormuz →China →Iran →Shanghai →CENTCOM (US Central Command) →Strait of Hormuz Toll System →

First Reported In

Update #69 · Cooper joins the instrument gap

Chinese Foreign Ministry· 15 Apr 2026

Read original →

Causes and effects

Caused by

Sanctioned tankers slip Hormuz on day one

Chinese tankers transiting Hormuz under CENTCOM's carve-out on blockade Day 1 drove the Chinese Foreign Ministry's dual-register response: condemnation in public, transit in practice.

Occurred 14 Apr 2026

Read story →

This Event

China condemns the blockade it uses

Beijing's rhetorical escalation is running in the opposite direction from its operational posture, because the carve-out CENTCOM wrote lets Chinese tankers transit without any commercial cost to contesting it.

Different Perspectives

China's Ministry of Commerce

Spokesperson He Yadong said on 16 July that Beijing and the Netherlands should let firms settle the Nexperia dispute through consultation, after a Dutch ministerial visit to Beijing. The conciliatory tone contrasts with the confrontational US trade response to the same fortnight's DMA enforcement.

Samsung Electronics

Samsung entered talks reported 22 July to invest up to €1 billion in Mistral AI, part of a round valuing the French lab at roughly €20 billion alongside EQT, Novo Holdings and Santander. The Korean conglomerate, not an EU financing instrument, is positioned to anchor Europe's flagship AI lab.

Poland (Tusk government)

Donald Tusk's government proposed a mandatory sovereignty test on 21 July for state technology contracts above 5 million zloty, scoring bids on AI model-weight rights and vendor lock-in rather than waiting for an EU-wide procurement rule. The threshold targets a 20-30 per cent domestic-alternative share.

United States administration

Donald Trump ordered a Section 301 investigation into EU digital-enforcement practices on 24 July, a day after USTR's Jamieson Greer said the Google fine created massive uncertainty for US exports, noting Google's cumulative EU fines already exceed 2 per cent of the bloc's budget.

Ecosia

Ecosia said the 16 July FRAND ranking-data order would take it from answering two-thirds of queries to all of them once the obligation activates in January 2027. The Berlin-based challenger has not called the enforcement package adequate, only workable if Google complies rather than appeals.

European Commission

Teresa Ribera and Henna Virkkunen announced the €890m fine on 23 July, saying products should succeed on merit, not platform ownership; four days earlier a separate Article 6(7) order compelled Android interoperability. The Commission expects both to hold on appeal after the Court of Justice upheld its earlier €4.1bn Android fine on 2 July.