9MAR

Iran succession stalls; seat stays empty

3 min read

05:12UTC

The Assembly of Experts was supposed to name a new Supreme Leader within days. Its headquarters was bombed, 90 million Iranians have no communications, and the leading candidate has an 18% probability on prediction markets.

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Key takeaway

Iran's constitutional succession mechanism is effectively paralysed by the very military campaign it was designed to outlast, creating an unprecedented interregnum with no constitutional exit pathway.

Iran's foreign minister Abbas Araghchi told Al Jazeera that a new Supreme Leader could be named in "a day or two." As of Monday, it has not happened. Sanam Vakil of Chatham House assessed that the Assembly of Experts "may not convene until US and Israel wind down their operations" — a judgement grounded in physical fact: the Assembly's headquarters in Tehran was struck in the campaign's opening hours.

When Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini died on 3 June 1989, the Assembly of Experts convened and elevated Ali Khamenei to Supreme Leader within 24 hours. That succession was managed by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who controlled both the Assembly and the political machinery needed to enforce the outcome. No comparable figure exists today. The Interim Leadership Council formed under Article 111 — Ayatollah Alireza Arafi, President Masoud Pezeshkian, and Chief Justice Mohseni-Ejei — is a constitutional stopgap, not a succession mechanism.

The Assembly has 88 members, most of them elderly clerics scattered across Iran's provinces. Convening them requires secure transport, functioning communications, and a venue — all three compromised by active bombardment, a communications blackout that has cut 90 million Iranians from phone, internet, and SMS for more than 48 hours, and the destruction of the Assembly's own building.

Polymarket prices Mohseni-Ejei as the likeliest successor at roughly 18% — a number that reflects deep uncertainty, not a frontrunner. A meaningful share of bets is on the position being abolished entirely, which would mean dismantling velayat-e faqih — the guardianship of the Islamic jurist, the foundational doctrine on which Khomeini built the Islamic Republic in 1979. Araghchi's own admission that military units are "acting independently" of central government direction raises the harder question: whether a new Supreme Leader, once named, could command the forces fighting in his name. The Islamic Republic's succession architecture was designed for an orderly transfer of power between eras — not a selection under bombardment with the entire country cut off from communication.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran's Supreme Leader is the most powerful figure in the country — above the president, controlling the military and judiciary. When a Supreme Leader dies or becomes incapacitated, a body of 88 senior clerics called the Assembly of Experts is supposed to meet immediately and choose a replacement. But their headquarters was bombed in the war's opening hours, communications across Iran have been cut for 90 million people, and the clerics themselves are scattered across a country under sustained attack. The result is a leadership vacuum at the top of a nuclear-threshold state at the exact moment when authoritative strategic decisions — escalate, negotiate, absorb — are most urgent.

Deep Analysis

Synthesis

Iran simultaneously faces a military crisis and a constitutional one, with each compounding the other: the communications blackout makes Assembly convening practically impossible, and the absence of an authoritative central decision-maker makes ceasefire negotiation structurally harder, since no interlocutor can credibly commit. A prolonged interregnum risks fracturing the IRGC along factional lines — Quds Force, Aerospace Force, Ground Forces — producing competing power centres rather than a unified successor, which would be qualitatively more dangerous than any single successor however hardline.

Root Causes

Khamenei systematically suppressed potential successors for three decades — most prominently Rafsanjani (died 2017) and Ali Larijani — to prevent a rival power centre from forming. This left the succession landscape populated by second-tier figures with limited theological or political legitimacy, which is why Polymarket's frontrunner holds only 18% — the market cannot identify a clear heir because none was permitted to emerge.

Escalation

The interregnum creates a decision-making vacuum precisely when strategic choices about escalation or ceasefire are most consequential; Revolutionary Guards hardline factions may fill that space autonomously, raising the risk of escalatory action disconnected from any central political authority — a dynamic that cannot be walked back by a successor once taken.

What could happen next?

Risk
A prolonged succession vacuum enables IRGC hardline factions to take unilateral escalatory action — including strikes on Gulf oil infrastructure or Strait of Hormuz interference — without central political authorisation or the ability to stand it down.
Immediate · Assessed
Risk
A weak or contested successor may overcompensate with aggressive external posturing to consolidate domestic legitimacy, extending the conflict well beyond the timeline US planners have modelled.
Medium term · Suggested
Precedent
The first forced constitutional breach in the Islamic Republic's 47-year history establishes that extra-constitutional power transfers are survivable, potentially normalising them for future crises.
Long term · Assessed

Source Landscape

This story draws on centre-left-leaning sources from Qatar

Qatar

The 1989 succession from Khomeini to Khamenei was completed in a single day (4 June 1989) and required retroactively elevating Khamenei's clerical rank to justify the appointment — the Assembly acted as a political body under crisis pressure, not a deliberative theological one.

That transition occurred with intact communications, no bombardment of assembly infrastructure, and a clear factional consensus behind Khamenei brokered by Rafsanjani.

Why it’s relevant now

If the Assembly eventually convenes under bombardment, the selection will again be compressed and politically determined — but without the 1989 consensus architecture, potentially yielding a more contested appointment that prolongs rather than resolves the legitimacy vacuum.

Iran's constitution (Article 111) requires the Assembly to convene 'immediately' upon The Supreme Leader's death or permanent incapacity — any delay constitutes a constitutional breach with no prescribed remedy. Iranian constitutional scholars have noted the complete absence of an 'acting Supreme Leader' mechanism; the closest precedent is the 1979–1989 Leadership Council, which required a full constitutional revision to dissolve. A similar collegiate body cannot be improvised without another constitutional amendment — itself impossible under current conditions.

This means Iran's governance structure has no legal instrument for managing the current interregnum.

Sources:Al Jazeera

Mentions:Chatham House →Ayatollah Alireza Arafi →Qom →Ali Khamenei →Assembly of Experts →Interim Leadership Council →Sanam Vakil →Masoud Pezeshkian →Iran →Abbas Araghchi →National Security Council (Iran) →Al Jazeera →Article 111 →Chief Justice Mohseni-Ejei →Israel →Polymarket →

First Reported In

Update #10 · Friendly fire kills three US jets in Kuwait

Al Jazeera· 2 Mar 2026

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Causes and effects

This Event

Iran succession stalls; seat stays empty

Iran's constitutional succession process has been physically and logistically disrupted by the ongoing military campaign. The inability to name a Supreme Leader prolongs the command vacuum in which military units are operating independently of central government direction, and raises the question of whether velayat-e faqih — the Islamic Republic's foundational governing doctrine — survives the war.

Led to

Mojtaba Khamenei named Supreme Leader

The succession process — with the Assembly of Experts unable to convene normally after its Qom headquarters was struck and senior leadership decapitated — culminated in the Assembly confirming Mojtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader under IRGC pressure

Occurred 4 Mar 2026

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IDF hits Assembly of Experts during vote

The Assembly of Experts HQ in Qom, previously struck in the campaign's opening hours (ID:590), was struck again on Tuesday while the body was actively convening to vote on a successor — escalating from infrastructure denial to targeting the governance process itself

Occurred 4 Mar 2026

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Different Perspectives

Oil market and P&I insurers

Brent cleared $87 intraday only once CENTCOM's blockade became physical rather than declared, even though P&I Clubs had already excluded Hormuz war risk a week earlier on 7 July: capital hedged ahead of enforcement, but prices moved only after it.

UAE reporting

UAE reporting placed the Omani tanker deaths at one seafarer against the International Maritime Agency's count of two, the first time in this war that a Gulf state's casualty figures have diverged from an international monitor's.

Jordan

Iranian strikes reached Jordan again on 14 July as part of the Gulf-wide retaliation for the Hormuz blockade, extending the conflict's geographic footprint to a state with no direct stake in the strait itself.

Bahrain

Bahrain sounded air-raid sirens on 14 July during Iran's Gulf-wide retaliation, the same day CENTCOM's blockade order and fourth night of strikes pushed the conflict's physical reach into the wider Gulf littoral.

Kuwait

Kuwait intercepted Iranian missiles and drones on 14 July as Tehran's blockade retaliation reached Gulf states beyond Iran's immediate shoreline, confirming Kuwaiti airspace now sits inside Iran's retaliatory envelope.

Oman

Oman absorbed the war's first tanker casualties in its own waters on 14 July, with two supertankers disabled and seafarers killed, putting the sultanate's shipping lanes directly in the path of the blockade fight for the first time.