Skip to content
Briefings are running a touch slower this week while we rebuild the foundations.See roadmap
Iran Conflict 2026
6MAR

136 navigation denial zones in Gulf

4 min read
04:48UTC

Windward maritime analytics identified 92 AIS denial zones and 44 GPS jamming areas blanketing the Persian Gulf — making the world's most important oil transit route electronically unnavigable.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

At 136 combined electronic warfare zones, the Gulf's maritime information environment has been systematically degraded to a level that transforms accidental navigation errors into potential diplomatic or military incidents — and that directly undermines the AIS-based mechanism China is relying on to protect its own vessels.

Windward, the maritime analytics firm, identified 92 AIS denial zones and 44 GPS jamming zones across the Persian Gulf on 5 March — 136 areas where the electronic systems that keep commercial shipping safe have been deliberately disabled.

The Automatic Identification System is mandated by the International Maritime Organisation under the SOLAS convention for all vessels over 300 gross tonnes on international voyages. It broadcasts vessel identity, position, course, and speed to other ships and shore-based traffic management. GPS provides the positional data that feeds AIS and underpins all modern navigation. In the strait of Hormuz — roughly 21 nautical miles wide at its narrowest, with designated shipping lanes only two miles wide in each direction — loss of either system creates immediate collision and grounding risks. Approximately 20,000 seafarers and 15,000 cruise passengers remain stranded in these waters , unable to navigate safely out of the area even if insurance and military conditions permitted transit.

The jamming introduces a specific problem for the one arrangement that has produced a physical transit result. China's separate Hormuz passage arrangement relies on vessels broadcasting Chinese ownership credentials via AIS — the vessel referred to as Iron Maiden completed its transit precisely this way. AIS denial zones make that identification mechanism unreliable. If Iranian electronic warfare cannot distinguish a Chinese-flagged tanker from a Western-flagged one inside a denial zone, the safe passage arrangement depends on coordination that the electronic warfare environment actively undermines. Iran's own remaining naval assets lose the ability to identify friendly traffic in the fog its own forces have created.

Iran has demonstrated electronic navigation denial capabilities before — Iranian officials attributed the 2011 capture of a US RQ-170 Sentinel drone to GPS spoofing, and Iran has deployed electronic warfare systems along its Gulf coast for over a decade. The 136 denial zones Windward documented represent a systematic blanketing of Gulf waters, adding a layer of physical navigational danger on top of the insurance withdrawal that has already halted commercial traffic . Each compounding layer raises the threshold for resumption of shipping. Even a ceasefire would not immediately restore safe navigation; electronic warfare infrastructure would need to be stood down, zones verified clear, and insurers convinced — a process measured in weeks, not hours.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Ships crossing the Gulf use two systems to stay safe: AIS, a radio beacon that broadcasts a ship's identity and position to other vessels and port authorities, and GPS for precise positioning. When AIS is blocked, other ships cannot track you electronically; when GPS is jammed, your own instruments may give a wrong position. With 92 zones where AIS does not work and 44 where GPS is unreliable, vessels in the world's most militarily active waterway are navigating partially blind. This dramatically raises the risk of collision, of accidentally entering restricted waters, and of being seized — any of which can be presented as a hostile act. It also creates a specific problem for China's arrangement with Iran: China's deal to protect its ships relies on those ships broadcasting Chinese ownership over AIS, but Iran's own jamming makes that broadcast unreliable.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

There is a direct operational contradiction between events 25 and 15. China's safe-passage arrangement relies on Chinese vessels broadcasting ownership credentials over AIS — but Iran's own 92 AIS denial zones suppress the very signal that identifies protected Chinese ships. If no technical exemption exists (and none has been reported), Iran's electronic warfare posture is inadvertently threatening the diplomatic arrangement it is simultaneously negotiating with Beijing. A Chinese vessel misidentified or unseen in a denial zone represents a potential Chinese-Iranian incident that could collapse the commercial arrangement both parties are trying to maintain.

Root Causes

Iran developed indigenous GPS spoofing capability as early as 2011 (the RQ-170 Sentinel drone incident) precisely because it cannot contest US naval dominance through conventional platforms. Maritime electronic warfare is one of the few asymmetric domains where Iran can impose costs without direct kinetic engagement. The structural driver is now acute: with more than 30 surface vessels destroyed, Iran's conventional maritime capability is critically degraded, making electronic denial its primary remaining lever in Gulf waters.

Escalation

Ninety-two AIS denial zones is an order of magnitude above routine peacetime electronic warfare activity in the Gulf, indicating Iran has activated a comprehensive maritime denial posture rather than selective disruption. This level of EW saturation makes unintentional incidents — vessels straying into restricted waters, missed identification signals — statistically likely rather than merely possible, with each incident carrying escalation potential.

What could happen next?
2 risk2 consequence1 precedent
  • Risk

    GPS-degraded navigation at this scale makes non-hostile maritime incidents — collisions, inadvertent territorial water violations — statistically probable rather than merely possible, each carrying escalation potential.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Consequence

    War risk insurance premiums for Gulf transits are rising sharply, transmitting conflict costs to global energy consumers through cargo pricing.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Risk

    Iran's AIS suppression directly undermines the China-Iran safe-passage arrangement if Chinese vessels cannot reliably broadcast identifying credentials inside denial zones, risking a Chinese-Iranian incident that collapses the diplomatic deal.

    Short term · Suggested
  • Precedent

    A 136-zone electronic warfare environment establishes a template for maritime area denial that non-US naval powers will study and replicate in future conflicts where conventional surface fleet engagement is not viable.

    Long term · Assessed
  • Consequence

    UKMTO and NAVCENT's ability to issue actionable navigational warnings is overwhelmed at this zone density, effectively degrading the international maritime safety notification system for the duration of the conflict.

    Immediate · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #23 · Iran loses half its navy; China eyes Hormuz

Windward· 6 Mar 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
Gulf shipping and insurance markets
Gulf shipping and insurance markets
With Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb both hostile at once, war-risk underwriters face their first dual-chokepoint pricing problem; the rerouting hedge that absorbed one closure is gone for Israeli-linked hulls. Any deal that reopens Hormuz without a Houthi stand-down clause delivers only partial shipping relief.
Russia and China
Russia and China
Russia and China met IAEA chief Grossi jointly in Geneva on 5 June to coordinate an advance blocking position against Washington's censure resolution, the first documented instance of proactive pre-session obstruction rather than reactive post-vote dissent. Beijing's move came four days after OFAC designated Shanghai Qianye Energy under Iran energy sanctions.
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia was left out of the emergency $4.01 billion Patriot waiver Qatar received on 2 May as its own PAC-3 stocks ran near-empty from intercepting Iranian salvoes over Aramco facilities. Riyadh is on a standard 18-month FMS queue behind a production line booked through 2030, with no equivalent priority to Qatar's Al Udeid basing role.
Houthis (Ansar Allah)
Houthis (Ansar Allah)
The Houthis declared a complete ban on Israeli Red Sea navigation on 8 June and struck Jaffa, their first attack on Israeli territory since April, seven days after the Tasnim authorisation to activate other fronts including Bab el-Mandeb. The declaration put both chokepoints under hostile authority simultaneously.
Iran
Iran
Iran agreed the 9 June mutual halt after the Mahshahr exchange and coordinated with Russia and China to block Washington's IAEA censure resolution, using the Board as a second front while the bilateral pause held on the military one. Tehran's acceptance of the Lebanon carve-out contradicts the linkage position it stated on 1 June.
Benjamin Netanyahu and the IDF
Benjamin Netanyahu and the IDF
Israel struck the Karun Petrochemical plant at Mahshahr on 8 June over Trump's explicit objection, then agreed a halt with Iran the following day scoped on Israeli terms with Lebanon carved out. Netanyahu's posture is that the IDF will not accept Iranian missile factories as off-limits regardless of US diplomatic timelines.