28JUL

Zelenskyy signs Gulf security deals

2 min read

09:28UTC

Ukraine is exchanging three years of battle-tested counter-drone expertise for Gulf security agreements, POW releases, and a diplomatic constituency beyond Europe.

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ConflictDeveloping

Key takeaway

Ukraine converted battlefield drone expertise into Gulf security partnerships and a new diplomatic constituency.

Zelenskyy completed a three-state Gulf tour between 27 and 28 March, signing 10-year security agreements with Saudi Arabia and Qatar and securing cooperation terms with the UAE⁠¹. Over 200 Ukrainian counter-drone specialists are now deployed across four Gulf states, with 30 more assigned to Jordan and Kuwait. Six countries have submitted formal cooperation requests.

Iran manufactures the Shahed-136 drone. Russia buys it and launches it at Ukrainian cities nightly. Iran also fires the same design at Gulf targets. Ukraine's three years of defending against Shaheds produced the world's most battle-tested counter-drone expertise. Gulf states that spent $13.5 million per Patriot interception are now buying Ukrainian interceptor drones at under $2,000 each.

Ukraine is exchanging drone expertise for things it needs: Gulf states are facilitating POW releases and the return of Ukrainian children deported by Russia. Qatar is the primary intermediary. Zelenskyy's earlier offer to Trump of counter-drone assistance opened this track; The Gulf tour formalises it into binding agreements that create a diplomatic constituency beyond Europe.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Ukraine's president toured Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE in late March and signed security agreements with two of them. The logic: Iran makes the Shahed drones that Russia fires at Ukrainian cities every night. Iran also fires the same drones at Gulf state targets. Ukraine has three years of battle experience shooting down these drones cheaply. The Gulf states want that expertise. In exchange, Ukraine is getting help with POW releases, the return of children Russia deported, and something more strategic: six countries in the Middle East now have a material interest in Ukraine's survival. That is diplomatic leverage Ukraine did not have a year ago.

Deep Analysis

Root Causes

The Gulf tour's strategic foundation is Iran's dual role: Iran manufactures the Shahed drones used against both Ukraine and Gulf states, creating a shared threat perception. Ukraine's three-year operational experience against Iranian drones gives it knowledge that Gulf states, despite vastly greater defence budgets, cannot replicate without battlefield exposure.

The timing reflects Ukraine's recognition that European and American support has structural limits, including aid fatigue, election cycles, and the PURL diversion. Building a Gulf constituency diversifies Ukraine's political support base and its economic relationships simultaneously.

What could happen next?

Opportunity
Ukraine's Gulf defence export relationships provide a revenue stream and diplomatic constituency that partially offsets potential reductions in US and European support.
Consequence
Qatar's role as POW intermediary and Zelenskyy's public acknowledgement of it strengthens Qatar's diplomatic position relative to other Gulf mediators.

Source Landscape

This story draws on centre-leaning sources from France

France

LeftRight

Primary parallel: Israel's post-1967 arms export strategy traded battlefield-tested military technology for diplomatic relationships in Africa and Latin America, creating economic and political dependencies that partially offset Arab League isolation. Ukraine is following a structurally similar playbook, converting wartime capability into diplomatic leverage.

Counter-parallel: Ukraine's 2022 weapons export ban, maintained for three years, prevented it from building the commercial relationships that could now be accelerated. Israel had a 20-year head start on weapons diplomacy. Ukraine is starting that process under wartime conditions.

Ukraine's counter-drone technology represents a nascent export industry. At under $2,000 per interceptor unit versus $13.5 million per Patriot round, the potential market among Gulf states with Iranian drone exposure is large. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Jordan, and Kuwait combined spend over $100 billion annually on defence. Even a 0.5% shift to Ukrainian counter-drone systems represents a $500 million annual market.

The strategic economic implication is longer-term: if Ukraine develops a sustainable defence export sector, its post-war reconstruction may be partly self-funded through arms revenues rather than relying entirely on EU and US grant financing.

Consensus view: Gulf Research Centre analysts assess that Gulf states' interest in Ukrainian counter-drone expertise is genuine and commercially motivated: the Iran war demonstrated that existing Patriot-based defences could not cost-effectively handle mass Shahed saturation attacks without burning through $13.5M missiles at unsustainable rates.

Counter-view: Al Jazeera's diplomatic correspondents note that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have simultaneously maintained economic and diplomatic relations with Russia throughout the war, suggesting the security agreements are hedging instruments rather than alignment shifts. Gulf states backing Ukraine while not sanctioning Russia is a carefully balanced position.

Key tension: Whether Gulf states' drone expertise purchases translate into political support for Ukraine's territorial position in peace negotiations, or remain purely transactional security arrangements.

Sources:Euronews

Mentions:Kuwait →Shahed-136 →Iran →Russia →Saudi Arabia →Volodymyr Zelenskyy →CIA →Ukraine →Ukrainian interceptor drone →CREA →Jordan →POW →Qatar →United Arab Emirates (UAE) →Patriot missile system →Gulf Research Centre →Arab League →Al Jazeera →

First Reported In

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Euronews· 1 Apr 2026

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Causes and effects

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This Event

Zelenskyy signs Gulf security deals

The Gulf agreements transform Ukraine from an aid recipient into an arms exporter with commercial ties that give six states a material stake in its survival.

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Different Perspectives

Wang Yi

China's foreign minister and Djibouti's issued a joint communique on 21 October saying the war should not reach the Horn of Africa and stressing free navigation through Bab al-Mandeb. The text names neither Iran nor the Houthis, and Djibouti hosts China's only overseas military base, opposite the Yemeni coast.

Ministry of External Affairs

India's foreign ministry called the attacks on Saudi civilian and energy sites "unacceptable" on 22 October and said they must stop at once. An Indian died at Dammam, Indians were injured there and at Shaybah, and about 4,000 Umrah pilgrims remain stranded by one MP's count.

Iraq

Iraq closed the al-Sheeb crossing with Iran to travellers and trucks from 21 October and said other crossings would close gradually. Unlike September's closure, which ended on a staged timetable, this one has none, and Iran's interior ministry said it received no notice.

Abdel Fattah el-Sisi

Egypt's president said on 21 October that Cairo's support would "defend Saudi territory, and does not include an attack on Yemen". Araghchi warned that Egyptian involvement would further complicate the situation, and Cairo's limit matches the one Ankara set on 8 October against attacking another state's soil.

UK Ministry of Defence

The MoD said on 20 October that RAF Typhoons over Saudi Arabia will not strike the Houthis, but extended tanker support to Saudi operations including against Houthi targets in Yemen. The tanker line sets no limit on strikes, so British aircraft may now refuel Saudi jets on bombing runs.

Turkey

Ankara sent the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement to parliament around 20 October, and its published text treats an attack on one party as an attack on all. Article 16 brings it into force only on the last ratification, so the 5 October invocation in Riyadh could not yet bind Turkey.

Written with AI from Lowdown's published reporting. Not individually reviewed by an editor. Editorial standards.