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Iran Conflict 2026
25MAY

Vahidi's IRGC writes the diplomatic track

2 min read
13:55UTC

Major General Ahmad Vahidi and his hardline IRGC faction have seized operational control of Iran's military posture and negotiating delegation, sidelining civilian moderates including Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, according to GlobalSecurity.org analysis on 22 April.

ConflictAssessed
Key takeaway

Iran now runs two foreign policies on the same day, and the one with boarding parties has operational priority.

Major General Ahmad Vahidi and his hardline IRGC faction have taken operational control of Iran's military posture and negotiating delegation, GlobalSecurity.org reported on 22 April, sidelining civilian moderates including Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi 1. The 17-18 April Hormuz open-then-close sequence, when the Foreign Ministry announced a reopening and the corps reversed it inside hours, set the pattern. The 22 April boardings confirmed it.

Vahidi rejected negotiations on Day 53 , telling IRGC deputies the corps opposes any settlement while the US blockade stands. Baqaei declared on 19 April that Iran's enriched uranium was non-transferable ; on Day 54 the corps translated that rhetorical line into boarding parties executed under the four-condition Tabnak order .

The split runs on institutional rails. The Majlis's 221-0 vote on 11 April to suspend IAEA cooperation, delivered through Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf's bloc, gave the corps legal cover for what it now executes on the water. Any Araghchi signature at Islamabad, Oslo or Vienna is a starting offer the corps will choose whether to honour.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran has two separate military structures. The regular army follows the elected government's orders. The IRGC, or Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, follows the Supreme Leader directly and has accumulated enormous economic and political power since Iran's 1979 revolution. Major General Ahmad Vahidi leads the IRGC's hardline faction. On 22 April his group effectively took control of both Iran's military operations and the diplomatic team that normally negotiates with foreign governments. Vahidi's faction pushed Foreign Minister Araghchi out of the decision-making loop on military and negotiating matters. This matters for any peace deal because the IRGC controls the ships, the ports, and the mines in the Strait of Hormuz. Even if Iran's civilian government signs an agreement, the corps can ignore it. Any deal that doesn't have explicit IRGC buy-in is unlikely to hold.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

Iran's 1979 constitution created a parallel military structure in the IRGC that answers to the Supreme Leader directly, bypassing the elected government and conventional army chain of command. Over four decades the corps accumulated economic assets worth an estimated $200 billion: port operations, construction, and petrochemical contracts. A deal that reopens Hormuz to neutral shipping ends the corps's monopoly on the authorised transit channel it established via the Tabnak four-condition order.

Araghchi's admission that no surviving facility can enrich uranium at threshold levels surrendered Iran's primary nuclear bargaining chip without IRGC authorisation. The corps treats that concession as illegitimate because Araghchi lacks command authority over the nuclear programme he offered to constrain.

First Reported In

Update #77 · Pentagon: six months to clear Hormuz mines

GlobalSecurity.org· 23 Apr 2026
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Different Perspectives
Lloyd's of London
Lloyd's of London
The Joint War Committee left Hormuz war-risk premiums at $10-14 million per voyage on 25 May, declining to move on Brent's 5% fall. The JWC's protocol requires a UN Security Council resolution or bilateral government certification letter before de-listing, and neither has arrived: a verbal understanding does not satisfy the formal condition the reinsurance market's treaty terms require.
Gulf Arab producers
Gulf Arab producers
Saudi Arabia and UAE depend on Hormuz for their own crude exports; Aramco CEO Nasser has warned no oil market recovery arrives until 2027 if the blockade continues past mid-June. Monday's $98.96 Brent settlement shortens nothing for Gulf producers without a signed instrument and a Pentagon mine-clearance timeline that runs up to six months post-ceasefire.
Qatar
Qatar
Qatar holds $12bn of frozen Iranian assets at the centre of the sequencing dispute but cannot release them without explicit US Treasury authorisation, given the original freeze was a US instrument. As the asset-holding state, Qatar's leverage is real but passive: it is the escrow holder, not the decision-maker, and any resolution requires US Treasury sign-off that Trump has withheld.
Pakistan
Pakistan
With both Prime Minister Sharif and army chief Munir simultaneously in Beijing on 25 May, Pakistan has for the first time consolidated its civilian and military mediation tracks under China's roof. Munir's direct Tehran-to-Beijing flight signals that the security and financial threads of the sequencing problem are now being worked in parallel rather than sequentially.
China
China
Beijing hosted Pakistan's principal mediators and Iran's China envoy Ghalibaf simultaneously on 25 May while its banking regulator capped new state-bank lending to five sanctioned refiners. China is simultaneously the most credible third-party underwriter of the $12bn sequencing and the state whose institutions face live OFAC secondary-sanctions exposure if the deadlock persists through GL V's expiry.
United States
United States
Trump posted on 24 May that the blockade holds until a deal is certified and signed, ruling out the informal MOU structure both sides had been building. The 'certified, and signed' condition is the first operational bar Trump has attached in 87 days, but it arrived without an executive instrument, maintaining the gap between posted ultimatum and signed US policy.