Skip to content
You can now search across every topic, entity and event.What's new
Iran Conflict 2026
20APR

Iran's killing moves to the field

3 min read
10:10UTC

IRGC forces shot dead Kurdish activist brothers Meysam and Mojtaba Veisi near Dalahu on 28 May, and Faezeh Afshari, aged 30, at Semirom the same day, killings that leave no court record.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Iran's Revolutionary Guard is now shooting activists dead in the field, leaving no court record to count.

IRGC forces shot dead two Kurdish activist brothers, Meysam and Mojtaba Veisi, near Dalahu in western Iran on 28 May, and Faezeh Afshari, aged 30, was shot during a crackdown at Semirom the same day. 1 The IRGC is Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the parallel armed force answerable to the Supreme Leader rather than the elected government. These were not hangings. The Norway-based Kurdish monitor Hengaw logged the deaths alongside judicial executions at Sanandaj, Bukan and elsewhere across the 28-30 May window. 2

A man shot dead near his home town by Revolutionary Guard forces leaves no sentence, no prison yard and no paper trail. The execution machinery Amnesty has been counting runs through courts, a bureaucracy that human-rights groups can audit. Field killings are faster and deniable, aimed at named Kurdish and political activists, and they sit outside the judicial register entirely.

The two tracks now run together. A protest detainee, Esmaeil Ramezanpour, was sentenced to death at Yazd on 29 May, showing the courts still grinding through the protest cohort even as the field killings begin. 3 The structural consequence is that Hengaw and Amnesty tallies will increasingly understate the real toll, because the deaths that matter most to the IRGC are now the ones it can deny. Tehran offers no acknowledgement of either track, and the count for the period rests on a single monitor.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran's IRGC (the Revolutionary Guards, the state's most powerful military force) shot dead three activists on 28 May: brothers Meysam and Mojtaba Veisi near the western town of Dalahu, and Faezeh Afshari, aged 30, in Semirom in central Iran. These were not legal executions carried out after a court process. They were shootings in the field, with no trial, no sentence, and no public announcement. A human rights monitoring group called Hengaw, based in Norway, documented these killings and has been tracking Iran's repression throughout the conflict. The difference between these field killings and the judicial executions Amnesty International counted (at least 39 since the war began) is that courts leave a record. Field shootings do not.

Deep Analysis
Root Causes

Kurdish border provinces, particularly Kermanshah, Kurdistan, and Ilam, are structurally overrepresented in IRGC field killings because IRGC border battalions in those areas operate under Joint Chiefs authority with minimal Interior Ministry oversight.

Dalahu (Meysam and Mojtaba Veisi's location) sits in Kermanshah province, where IRGC border units have maintained independent kill authority over suspected KDPI and PJAK operatives since the 2018 border-security decree. The killing of Faezeh Afshari at Semirom in Isfahan province on the same day extends the geographic footprint beyond the historic Kurdish border zone.

The wartime blackout, which kept domestic internet at near-zero until Pezeshkian's 25 May order, reduced the photographic and social-media documentation that typically constrains field operations. IRGC units accustomed to operating under information blackout may now face partial documentation risk as the internet partially restores to 40%, but the kill-decision timeline is shorter than the social-media reaction cycle.

What could happen next?
  • Risk

    If field killings become a general counter-dissent tool rather than a border-region Kurdish practice, the human rights documentation pipeline built on judicial records loses coverage of a growing share of deaths.

  • Precedent

    Afshari's killing at Semirom in Isfahan province extends the geographic footprint of field killings beyond the historic Kurdish western-border zone for the first time in the wartime record.

First Reported In

Update #112 · Treasury opens a second Iran sanctions front

Hengaw· 30 May 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
Oil markets and Lloyd's of London
Oil markets and Lloyd's of London
Brent fell to $89.25 on ceasefire probability, not new barrels, with traders voting for Trump's deed over Tehran's denial. Lloyd's has not repriced Hormuz war-risk cover because its trigger requires a UN Security Council resolution or government certification, so tanker insurance costs remain elevated regardless of the spot move.
Pakistan and Qatar mediators
Pakistan and Qatar mediators
Pakistan's Mohsin Naqvi was in Tehran for his second visit in under a week, using the Pakistan-Qatar channel that delivered April's ceasefire after an identical public-denial cycle. The channel carries both civilian and military buy-in from Islamabad, the only configuration Iran's split command cannot dismiss as a partial signal.
India
India
India summoned the US Deputy Chief of Mission after three Indian sailors were killed aboard MT Settebello, the first formal grievance from a major non-belligerent directed at US enforcement. Indian seafarers supply roughly 12 per cent of the global maritime workforce; their presence on third-flag Gulf tankers is structurally inevitable regardless of bilateral diplomacy.
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
The IRGC declared Hormuz closed on 11 June while civilian negotiators were on the same mediation channel, then issued no public comment on the MoU framework. Its silence on the framework, rather than any foreign ministry statement, is the operative approval signal; the corps' unilateral Hormuz closure shows it did not treat the diplomatic track as binding on its operations.
Iran foreign ministry (Baghaei)
Iran foreign ministry (Baghaei)
Esmail Baghaei told IRNA that reports of a finalised deal were 'merely speculation' and that Iran had 'not yet made a final decision'. The denial is structurally identical to Iranian foreign ministry statements during the April ceasefire talks, which produced a binding text within 48 hours of the same language.
Trump administration / CENTCOM
Trump administration / CENTCOM
Trump cancelled the third strike day and called the MoU 'very strong' and almost ready to sign, while CENTCOM kept tanker enforcement running in the same 24-hour window. The administration is simultaneously withdrawing the military pressure it claims drove the deal and sustaining the enforcement campaign it is trying to trade away.