28JUL

Artesh claims Kuwait and Bahrain strikes

2 min read

09:28UTC

Iran's regular army, not the IRGC, claimed the 16 July drone strikes on Kuwait and Bahrain and named them phase ten of Operation Saeqeh.

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Key takeaway

Iran's regular army claimed the Kuwait and Bahrain strikes under its own named operation, stepping out of the IRGC's shadow.

The regular Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran (Artesh), not the IRGC, claimed the 16 July drone strikes on Kuwait's Ali Al Salem Air Base and Bahrain's Sheikh Isa air base, and gave the campaign a name: the tenth phase of Operation Saeqeh (Lightning). ¹

Every prior Gulf reprisal in this war had carried the IRGC's name. The IRGC fired on Jordan's Azraq base and struck three Gulf states on 9 July , and ran the Gulf-wide retaliation that answered the blockade . This time the IRGC claimed only the separate hit on Jordan's Azraq base, while the Artesh took Kuwait and Bahrain under its own banner.

A named, numbered, multi-phase operation implies sustained institutional planning, distinct from the corps' improvised strike-and-claim pattern. The Artesh has spent this war in the IRGC's shadow as the conventional-defence force; a numbered army operation is a bureaucratic claim on the war's prestige, and such claims outlast the strikes that prompt them. Mojtaba Khamenei was installed through IRGC channels, so an army asserting its own operational brand under a Supreme Leader it did not choose is a fault line worth watching.

Kuwait's armed forces said their air defences intercepted hostile drones on 16 July, independent, non-Iranian confirmation that the attack was real. ² A quieter reading also fits: the two forces may simply be dividing targets, with no rivalry implied. Even so, no earlier Iranian strike this war has carried a numbered army operation's name.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran has two separate armed forces that don't answer to a single military command: the regular Army, called Artesh, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, or IRGC, which is the more ideological force that has led most of the war's retaliatory strikes. This time it was Artesh, not the IRGC, that claimed credit for drone strikes on air bases in Kuwait and Bahrain, giving its campaign the name Operation Saeqeh and calling this attack its tenth phase.

Deep Analysis

Root Causes

Iran's constitution establishes Artesh and the IRGC as parallel, formally equal armed forces answering separately to the Supreme Leader, with neither holding overall operational primacy over the other.

That dual-track structure gives each branch an incentive to publicise its own named, numbered campaign, Artesh's Operation Saeqeh among them, rather than issue a single joint claim.

What could happen next?

Meaning
Artesh's willingness to publicise its own named campaign suggests the regular Army wants independent credit for retaliation, rather than letting the IRGC's messaging define the war's narrative.

Sources:Tech Times

Mentions:Iranian Army →Operation Saeqeh →Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) →Kuwait →Bahrain →Jordan →Ali Al Salem Air Base →Sheikh Isa airbase →Iran-Iraq War →Iraq →Iran →Mojtaba Khamenei →Tehran →

First Reported In

Update #155 · US bombing moves inland as blockade hardens

Tech Times· 18 Jul 2026

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Causes and effects

This Event

Artesh claims Kuwait and Bahrain strikes

A second Iranian force is now claiming strikes under its own banner, a sign of institutional jockeying inside Tehran's war effort.

Led to

Iran fires back across the Gulf again

The Army's named Operation Saeqeh phase 10 followed the 14 July Gulf-wide retaliation.

Occurred 14 Jul 2026

Read story →

Iran's army widens Saeqeh to three states

The 16 July Artesh claim on Kuwait and Bahrain preceded and matches the widened 18 July phase-14/15 claim.

Occurred 18 Jul 2026

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Different Perspectives

Iran's Supreme Leader's office and Iranian households

A letter published through state media named Lebanon's territorial integrity and an end to Israeli operations there as the war's ending condition; the same week, spokesperson Mohajerani cut the subsidised petrol ration from 70 to 50 litres a month. Iranian agencies still disagree on who inside the office signed the letter.

Oman

Muscat proposed a voluntary-funded coalition to police Hormuz, the corridor its own coastline gives it standing to manage, while Iran wants control and toll rights over shipping and Washington insists on free navigation. Oman's remit stops at the strait; it has no comparable claim over Iraq, the Caspian, or Lebanon.

Kyiv

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the Caspian strike on an Iranian vessel carrying military cargo from Russia's Astrakhan region, opening a front that ties Iran's war to its supply relationship with Moscow rather than to anything the Gulf mediators are discussing.

Riyadh

Maj Gen Turki Al Malki named Iraq as the launch point for drones intercepted over the Eastern Province and Riyadh, the first time this war has reached Saudi Arabia from that direction rather than from Yemen. Nothing landed, but a second launch geography aimed at Saudi oil now exists alongside the Houthi front.

Baghdad

Iraq's Foreign Ministry summoned its own ambassador in Riyadh after Saudi Arabia's Defence Ministry said the drones came from Iraqi territory, while the same day drones struck Iranian-Kurdish opposition camps inside Iraq. Baghdad is disowning attacks it did not launch from territory it does not fully control.

The Pentagon and Congress

Acting press secretary Joel Valdez attributed the toll's reversal to site anomalies, the same explanation the department gave for the opposite cut on 24 July; Representative Thomas Massie called the category change an absurd ruse designed to reset the war's legal clock. Neither side agrees on which explanation, or which war, is real.