Skip to content
Welcome, thoughtbot's Giant Robots listeners!Start here
European Tech Sovereignty
22OCT

South Africa silent on Iran strikes

4 min read
17:24UTC

The country that took Israel to the ICJ over Gaza has not criticised Washington for striking Iran. The difference: the ICJ case cost nothing. Criticising the US costs billions.

TechnologyDeveloping
Key takeaway

South Africa's silence on the Iran strikes exposes the selective application of its international-law advocacy and signals that economic and diplomatic dependencies on Washington constrain even its most principled foreign-policy postures.

South Africa — which brought the genocide case against Israel to the International Court of Justice over the Gaza campaign — has not criticised Washington for the strikes on Iran.

The silence is a departure from the position Pretoria established in December 2023, when it filed the ICJ application arguing that Israel was committing genocide in Gaza. That filing was the most consequential legal challenge to Israeli military operations in decades and positioned South Africa as the leading voice of the Global South on Middle Eastern conflicts. The expectation — among supporters and critics alike — was that Pretoria would apply similar scrutiny to the US-Israeli campaign against Iran. Brazil has condemned the strikes and called for adherence to international law. South Africa has not.

The reasons are structural rather than ideological. South Africa depends on preferential US trade access under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) — a programme the Trump administration has already signalled it may revoke. South Africa's economy contracted in 2024 and is growing below 1%; losing AGOA eligibility would cost billions in export revenue and accelerate an already severe unemployment crisis. The ICJ case against Israel carried no economic cost — Israel is a minor trade partner for South Africa. Criticising Washington carries a direct and measurable one. South Africa's silence does not represent a change in principle. It reveals where principle meets leverage — and where leverage wins.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

South Africa made global headlines in late 2023 by taking Israel to the world's top court, arguing it was committing genocide in Gaza — a bold move that positioned the country as a defender of international law, particularly for Muslim-majority and Global South nations. Now, with the United States and Israel conducting large-scale strikes on Iran that the UN Secretary-General has described as violations of the UN Charter, South Africa has said nothing critical of Washington. This is striking because the legal arguments South Africa made at The Hague — about proportionality, civilian harm, and the prohibition on aggressive war — apply at least as readily to the current strikes. The silence suggests that South Africa's principled stance has limits, and those limits appear to be drawn around the willingness to confront American power directly.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

South Africa's silence is not merely a diplomatic abstention — it is a data point that recalibrates the meaning of its ICJ action against Israel. That filing can now be read less as a universal commitment to international humanitarian law and more as a specific act of Palestinian solidarity, one that aligned domestic political imperatives with a convenient legal vehicle. The current non-response reveals the asymmetry: South Africa will challenge Western power at The Hague when the cause has deep domestic resonance and the economic cost is manageable, but will not do so when the primary target of criticism is the United States itself. This matters beyond South Africa. It signals to other Global South states that selective engagement with international law — weaponising it against some actors while exempting others — is the operative norm, not the exception. It also suggests that the January 2026 BRICS trilateral pact, already shown to be hollow by BRICS's refusal of Iran's emergency meeting request, has failed to create even a shared normative framework among its members. Iran's diplomatic isolation is therefore deeper than the headline BRICS non-response suggests: even states with historical solidarity ties and formal multilateral commitments are declining to pay the political cost of standing with Tehran when Washington is on the other side.

Root Causes

Several structural forces explain South Africa's restraint. First, economic dependency: the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) provides South Africa preferential access to US markets, and the Ramaphosa administration has sought to avoid the deterioration in bilateral relations that open criticism of Washington would trigger. Second, internal ANC factional dynamics: the governing coalition contains voices that prioritise economic stabilisation over foreign-policy adventurism, and a public confrontation with the United States at a moment of domestic economic stress is politically risky. Third, the distinction between the Palestinian cause and Iran: Palestinian solidarity has deep emotional and rhetorical resonance within the ANC, tied directly to apartheid-era analogies, while Iran does not command the same domestic constituency. Criticism of the Gaza campaign could be presented domestically as anti-colonial; criticism of the Iran strikes would require a more abstract defence of Iranian sovereignty. Fourth, strategic hedging: South Africa is simultaneously a BRICS member and a country that depends on Western capital markets and multilateral financial institutions — it has consistently sought to avoid being forced to choose sides, and silence is the operational expression of that preference.

Escalation

South Africa's non-response does not itself escalate the military situation, but it has a structurally escalatory effect on the diplomatic landscape: it reduces the credibility and cohesion of any potential Global South coalition that might exert normative pressure on Washington to de-escalate or accept a ceasefire framework. If the most prominent non-Western champion of international law will not apply its own stated principles when the United States is the actor in question, the diplomatic isolation of Western powers that some anticipated from this conflict is significantly diminished. This weakens Iran's diplomatic position and removes one potential pressure point on the US-Israeli campaign. Over the medium term, it also invites other states to treat South Africa's future invocations of international law as instrumentalised rather than principled, reducing its moral authority in multilateral forums including the UN Human Rights Council and the ICJ itself.

What could happen next?
1 meaning2 consequence2 risk1 precedent
  • Meaning

    South Africa's silence confirms that its ICJ action against Israel was a targeted act of Palestinian solidarity rather than a universal commitment to international humanitarian law enforcement.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Consequence

    South Africa's credibility as a neutral mediator or principled international-law advocate is materially diminished, reducing its effectiveness in future multilateral forums including the UN Human Rights Council.

    Medium term · Assessed
  • Risk

    Domestic political opponents — particularly the Economic Freedom Fighters and pro-Iran voices within the ANC left — may exploit the perceived inconsistency to damage the Ramaphosa government's foreign-policy standing ahead of the next electoral cycle.

    Short term · Suggested
  • Precedent

    If the leading Global South champion of international law will not criticise US military action, the normative constraint on Washington's freedom of action in the region is weaker than pre-conflict assessments suggested.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Consequence

    Iran's diplomatic isolation is deeper than aggregate BRICS non-response figures indicate; even historically sympathetic states are unwilling to absorb the bilateral cost of public solidarity with Tehran against Washington.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Risk

    South Africa's hedging position may become untenable if the conflict escalates and non-alignment is no longer read by Washington as benign — forcing a harder choice between AGOA access and BRICS solidarity obligations.

    Medium term · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #6 · Pentagon produced no evidence for Iran war

Globe and Mail· 1 Mar 2026
Read original →
Causes and effects
This Event
South Africa silent on Iran strikes
South Africa's restraint exposes the boundary between principled international legal action and the economic leverage that constrains it. The Global South's ability to challenge Western military operations depends on whether it can afford to.
Different Perspectives
European Centre for International Political Economy
European Centre for International Political Economy
ECIPE found nine states gave about 97% of awarded cloud lots to home providers from 2018 to 2025, and every sovereignty-framed lot went to a domestic supplier. The think tank reads sovereignty clauses as a home-bias tool that narrows competition, with a 46% sole-bidder rate on a small sample.
Mistral AI
Mistral AI
Mistral opened a Munich industrial AI hub on 28 September with BMW and Siemens Energy work, and Germany's digital minister Karsten Wildberger praised it on the launch page. The French lab gains a German ministerial endorsement while its 21 October Nvidia partnership ties the work to US accelerators.
AWS European Sovereign Cloud
AWS European Sovereign Cloud
AWS will run its Brandenburg region for several hours on 24 October cut off from the AWS global backbone, with an EU-resident team. AWS says the test follows BSI's C3A criteria and will give regulators and customers verifiable evidence of separation.
Greenland government
Greenland government
Greenland signed a joint declaration with the EU and Denmark in September and received Virkkunen on 24 and 25 September. The Arctic Strategy now backs a cable linking Greenland directly to Europe, an alternative to Greenland Connect, which lands in Canada and Iceland.
Greek government
Greek government
Kyriakos Mitsotakis inaugurated DAEDALUS at Lavrion on 19 October, a €36m machine on Nvidia GH200 chips that anchors the PHAROS AI Factory. Athens paid 65% through Greece 2.0, making national recovery money the main funder of an EU AI Factory.
ASML
ASML
ASML reported record quarterly sales of €11.66bn and said planned supply for 2027 and 2028 will not fully meet demand. It plans about 30% more capacity in 2027, and some customers want to book for 2029 and 2030.

Written with AI from Lowdown's published reporting. Not individually reviewed by an editor. Editorial standards.