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Iran Conflict 2026
18APR

CIA and Mossad hunt for Khamenei

4 min read
14:57UTC

Thirteen days after being named supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei has not appeared in public. Western intelligence agencies cannot confirm he is alive and capable of command.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Western intelligence has no proof of life for Iran's wartime supreme leader after 13 days.

Mojtaba Khamenei has not been seen in public since the Assembly of Experts named him Supreme Leader on 9 March — thirteen days without a video appearance, a voice recording, or a verified photograph. His sole substantive act has been a written Nowruz message, read by a presenter on state television, claiming the "enemy has been defeated" and urging media to "refrain from focusing on weaknesses" . Every Supreme Leader since the Islamic Republic's founding in 1979 has delivered a televised Nowruz address in person . Mojtaba did not.

The CIA, Mossad, and allied intelligence agencies are actively searching for evidence that Khamenei is alive and functioning, Axios reported, citing US and allied officials 1. One US official stated: "We don't think the Iranians would have gone through all this trouble to choose a dead guy as The Supreme Leader, but at the same time, we have no proof that he is taking the helm" 2. A leaked audio recording obtained by The Telegraph — from Mazaher Hosseini, head of protocol for Ali Khamenei's office, speaking at a 12 March meeting — described Mojtaba stepping into his garden moments before ballistic missiles struck his home on 28 February. His wife and son were killed instantly. He survived with a leg injury, by "mere seconds" . Defence Secretary Hegseth subsequently claimed Khamenei is "wounded and likely disfigured." Trump told reporters on 10 March: "We don't know if he's dead or not... A lot of people are saying that he's badly disfigured" . The IDF has publicly named him as an assassination target — Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin stated on camera: "He is not immune. We will pursue him, find him, and neutralise him" .

Iran's constitution vests The Supreme Leader with sole command of all armed forces and sole authority to declare war or accept its end. The Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters — which issued the counter-threat to Trump's 48-hour power-grid ultimatum — reports directly to him. The Diego Garcia missile strike, which revealed a 4,000 km range Iran had publicly denied possessing, required authorisation from the supreme command level. If Khamenei cannot function, Article 111 of the constitution provides for a temporary three-member Leadership Council — the president, the head of the judiciary, and a Guardian Council jurist. This mechanism has never been activated, and its members lack both the IRGC's institutional loyalty and the theological authority The Supreme Leader holds as velayat-e faqih, the guardianship of the Islamic jurist that is the constitutional foundation of the office's power. Any diplomatic off-ramp also requires a counterpart with authority to agree terms — and it is unclear who that counterpart is. Iran is fighting a war in which the individual constitutionally responsible for both prosecuting and ending hostilities has not been verified as functional by any Western or allied intelligence service in thirteen days.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

In Iran's political system, the supreme leader holds authority above the president, parliament, and military. Generals require political authorisation before making decisions that could escalate to full-scale war. Mojtaba Khamenei was named to this role on 9 March — but has not appeared in public, spoken on camera, or issued any verified voice communication since. The CIA and Mossad are actively searching for proof he is alive and functional. This matters operationally: if no one with recognised authority can accept a ceasefire offer or authorise a military stand-down, the machinery for ending this conflict is missing a critical component at precisely the moment Trump's 48-hour ultimatum requires a functional Iranian counterpart.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

The absence intersects with Trump's 48-hour ultimatum in a specific operational way. Ultimatums require a responsive counterpart with authority to comply. The US may be delivering demands to an entity that cannot functionally respond. Enforcement then becomes the default outcome: if no one can authorise compliance, the deadline passes regardless of intent — making strike execution structurally more likely independent of US resolve.

Root Causes

Iran's velayat-e faqih system concentrates decision-making in a single individual and provides no constitutional mechanism for managing a temporarily incapacitated leader. The rapid wartime succession — conducted under bombardment, without the usual public legitimation process — created a structural gap between formal title and operational authority. The Assembly of Experts, which theoretically oversees the supreme leader, has no precedent for intervening in a wartime leadership question and no institutional history of asserting such authority.

Escalation

A functioning supreme leader is the only figure in Iran's system who can overrule the IRGC's escalatory preferences. Without visible authorisation, the Khatam al-Anbiya HQ — which issued the civilian infrastructure counter-threat (Event 1) — may be acting with autonomous authority it does not formally possess. Military commanders making escalatory decisions without political oversight is the precise pathway to accidental or unintended escalation that conflict-termination theory identifies as most dangerous.

What could happen next?
  • Risk

    IRGC commanders may be making escalatory military decisions without supreme leader authorisation, including the Diego Garcia strike and the civilian infrastructure counter-threat.

    Immediate · Suggested
  • Consequence

    The 48-hour ultimatum mechanism is structurally compromised if no Iranian authority can formally receive, evaluate, and respond to it.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Competing Iranian power centres — IRGC, Foreign Ministry, Assembly of Experts — may issue contradictory signals, making Iranian intentions unreadable to external actors.

    Short term · Suggested
  • Meaning

    The CIA and Mossad's active search for proof of life represents an intelligence priority shift from targeting to verification — confirming leadership uncertainty has become the dominant operational question.

    Short term · Reported
First Reported In

Update #44 · Trump: 48 hours to destroy Iran power grid

Axios· 22 Mar 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
CIA and Mossad hunt for Khamenei
Iran's supreme leader is the constitutional commander-in-chief and sole authority on war-and-peace decisions. His unverified status during active hostilities raises direct questions about who is authorising Iranian military operations — including the Diego Garcia missile strike and the counter-threat to Trump's power-grid ultimatum — and who possesses the authority to negotiate an end to the war.
Different Perspectives
Shipping and war-risk insurers
Shipping and war-risk insurers
War-risk premiums for Hormuz transits reached 3 to 10 per cent of hull value on 17 July, against 0.25 per cent before the war, as Brent cleared $87 and daily transits fell to eight vessels. Underwriters are pricing the confirmed UKMTO mine near the Traffic Separation Scheme, not the IRGC's unconfirmed 18 July mining claim, which CENTCOM called false.
Oman
Oman
Abbas Araghchi led an Iranian delegation to Oman-hosted talks in Muscat on 18 July, an agenda confined to reopening the Strait of Hormuz and nothing else. Oman's decades of studied neutrality make it the one channel neither Washington nor Tehran needs to be seen initiating, and that narrowness is what lets it survive the bombing.
Kuwait
Kuwait
Kuwait's electricity ministry asked residents to ration water and power after the IRGC set Shuaiba's generating units alight on 17 July, the second Kuwaiti site struck in two days. The country draws 90 per cent of its drinking water from plants sharing power infrastructure, so one strike reaches every tap in the hottest weeks of the year.
Jordan
Jordan
Amman still reports no casualties or damage of its own from the 17 July attack even as CENTCOM confirmed two American dead on the same runway, a line it has not amended since. Hosting the base that produced the war's first US fatalities puts Jordan's decades-old defence arrangement with Washington under a domestic scrutiny it has not faced before.
Tehran / Artesh and AEOI
Tehran / Artesh and AEOI
Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation called the alleged Darkhovin strike a violation of international law, while the Artesh put Operation Saeqeh, its campaign against Kuwait, Jordan and Bahrain, at phases 14 and 15 by 18 July. Domestic outlets Fars and Tabnak claim 16 Americans dead since February, a toll no source outside Iran supports.
CENTCOM / Washington
CENTCOM / Washington
CENTCOM confirmed two dead and one missing at Muwaffaq Salti on 17 July, when Jordan says its air defences intercepted eight of ten incoming missiles, against five of five stopped on 10 June. Its own strikes stay aimed at Iran's coast, interior and navy, not the Artesh campaign that killed them.