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Iran Conflict 2026
18MAR

Iran army moves into schools and mosques

3 min read
06:00UTC

As Israeli strikes destroy fixed military installations, Hengaw documents the consequence: Iranian troops relocating into schools, dormitories, and mosques, compounding risk to the civilians inside.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Military dispersal into civilian sites degrades casualty data and creates legal cover for Israeli strikes.

Hengaw, the Kurdish human rights organisation, documented Iranian military forces relocating into civilian buildings — schools, dormitories, and mosques — as the air campaign enters its third week 1. The dispersal places non-combatants at additional risk in a conflict that has already struck 178 cities across 25 provinces.

The pattern is consistent with other battlefield evidence. Basij commander Gholamreza Soleimani and his deputy were killed in a makeshift tent encampment rather than their headquarters — proof that senior commanders have already abandoned fixed installations. After approximately 7,600 Israeli strikes since 28 February , any identifiable military facility is a target. Dispersal into civilian infrastructure is the predictable response of a force without air defence.

Under International humanitarian law, military use of a civilian building can render it a legitimate target — but the obligation to assess proportionality before each strike remains with the attacking force. Hengaw counts 511 civilian dead — 120 minors, 160 women — out of 5,300 total 2. If military assets are embedded in schools and mosques, that 9.6% civilian ratio will rise. Tehran has no air raid sirens, no warning systems, and no bomb shelters — conditions under which co-location of troops and families compounds an already acute vulnerability.

Hengaw's credibility on Iranian casualty documentation is established. During the 2022 Mahsa Amini protests, its counts proved more accurate than government figures, which ran at one-quarter to one-third of independent tallies. The organisation operates from outside Iran with a network of local correspondents, particularly in Kurdish-majority provinces where its coverage is densest.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran's military is hiding troops and equipment inside schools, mosques, and student dormitories because those locations are harder to bomb without triggering international condemnation. It is a tactic armed groups have used in many conflicts. The immediate risk is to the civilians in those buildings. The second-order effect is subtler: once military assets are embedded in civilian infrastructure, it becomes nearly impossible to accurately count how many people dying are soldiers and how many are ordinary citizens — permanently compromising the casualty record.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

The dispersal pattern provides a structural explanation for the threefold casualty gap between Iran's official count (1,444) and Hengaw's independent tally (5,300+) that the body records but does not connect. When military personnel are distributed through civilian environments, the military-versus-civilian distinction in casualty recording collapses at the point of collection. Both systematic undercounting and overcounting become simultaneously possible, permanently undermining any post-conflict accountability process regardless of which organisation's methodology is adopted.

Escalation

The tactic operates as a one-way ratchet on Israeli targeting constraints. More militarised civilian sites mean higher civilian tolls when Israel strikes them. Higher civilian tolls generate international pressure on Israel. This achieves the IRGC's survivability objective through IHL constraints rather than military capability. The logic is doctrinal, not improvised, and will intensify as Israeli targeting degrades fixed military infrastructure further.

What could happen next?
  • Risk

    Israeli strikes on militarised schools and mosques will generate humanitarian imagery that erodes political support in European capitals already uncomfortable with the conflict's civilian toll.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Consequence

    Systematic civilian-area dispersal permanently degrades casualty data integrity, making post-conflict international criminal accountability proceedings procedurally impossible to ground in reliable evidence.

    Medium term · Assessed
  • Precedent

    State-level adoption of Hezbollah's civilian-infrastructure dispersal model, if it succeeds in constraining Israeli targeting, establishes a replicable template for future adversaries facing US or Israeli precision campaigns.

    Long term · Suggested
  • Risk

    Dispersal into improvised civilian positions degrades IRGC command coherence — officers operating from schools and mosques have degraded secure communications, logistics, and continuity of command.

    Short term · Assessed
First Reported In

Update #40 · Larijani dead; Israel hunts the new leader

Hengaw· 18 Mar 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
IAEA
IAEA
Director General Rafael Grossi appeared in person at the UNSC on 19 May and warned that a direct hit on an operating reactor 'could result in very high release of radioactivity'. The session produced a condemnation record but no resolution, and the Barakah perimeter was already struck on 17 May.
Hengaw (Kurdish rights monitor)
Hengaw (Kurdish rights monitor)
Hengaw documented three judicial executions and the detention of Kurdish writer Majid Karimi in Tehran on 19 May, establishing Khorasan Razavi province as the newest geography in Iran's wartime judicial record. The organisation's Norway-based operation continues to surface a domestic repression track running in parallel with every diplomatic and military development.
India
India
Six India-flagged vessels conducted a coordinated cluster transit under PGSA bilateral assurances during the 17 May window, paying no yuan tolls. New Delhi's inclusion in Iran's state-to-state passage track insulates Indian energy supply without requiring endorsement of the PGSA's yuan-toll architecture or alignment with the US coalition.
Pakistan
Pakistan
Pakistan is the only functioning diplomatic bridge between Tehran and Washington. Its role is relay, not mediation in the settlement sense: it conveyed Iran's 10-point counter-MOU in early May, relayed the US rejection, and is now passing 'corrective points' in the third documented exchange of this sub-cycle without either side working from a shared text.
UK and France (Northwood coalition)
UK and France (Northwood coalition)
Twenty-six coalition members have published no rules of engagement eight days after the Bahrain joint statement; Lloyd's underwriters have conditioned war-risk reopening on written ROE from either Iran or the coalition. Italian and French mine-countermeasures deployments are operating on the in-water clearance task CENTCOM Admiral Brad Cooper's 90% mine-stockpile claim does not address.
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia
Riyadh has not publicly commented on the Barakah strike or the 50-47 discharge vote. Saudi output feeds the IEA's $106 base case; the $5 Brent premium above that model reflects institutional uncertainty no Gulf producer can compress through supply adjustment alone.