Skip to content
You can now search across every topic, entity and event.What's new
Iran Conflict 2026
19AUG

Trilateral loses venue, keeps deadlock

3 min read
18:42UTC

The third US-Russia-Ukraine trilateral cannot meet in Abu Dhabi and may relocate to Istanbul, but the harder problem — Russia's demand that Ukraine cede four oblasts before talks continue — has not moved.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Istanbul hosted a near-deal in 2022 that collapsed; its symbolic freight complicates its neutrality as a venue.

The third round of US-Russia-Ukraine trilateral negotiations, scheduled for 5–6 March, cannot proceed in Abu Dhabi because of the wider Middle East conflict. President Zelenskyy confirmed on 2 March that the talks are not cancelled — only the venue is unresolved 1. Bloomberg sources identified Istanbul as the front-runner replacement 2, and Turkey's Anadolu Agency separately reported that Russia confirmed the city 3. No final announcement had been made as of 5 March.

The venue disruption matters less than what awaits any table they sit around. Russia's precondition — that Ukraine formally cede Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson before talks continue — remains on the table. Moscow has issued structurally similar ultimatums before every round since 2022 and attended regardless, a pattern that suggests the demand functions as a negotiating anchor rather than a genuine walk-away trigger. The second Abu Dhabi round in February achieved technical progress on ceasefire monitoring mechanics but deadlocked on territory, security guarantees, and the composition of any monitoring force . None of those positions have shifted.

Three constraints define the negotiating space regardless of city. Trump told Zelenskyy on 25 February he wanted the war ended "in a month" ; Russia's stated position remains "no deadlines." The trilateral format excludes all 27 EU member states despite Europe having funded more of Ukraine's war effort than the United States — a gap Germany's chancellor addressed directly in Washington on 3 March. And the substantive deadlock is circular: Ukraine will not concede territory in advance, Russia will not negotiate without that concession, and Washington has not indicated which side's position it considers more negotiable.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Peace talks between the US, Russia, and Ukraine were due in Abu Dhabi but had to move because of unrelated Middle East tensions. Istanbul is the replacement. Turkey has maintained relationships with both sides throughout the war — selling weapons to Ukraine while buying gas from Russia — which makes it acceptable to both parties as a host. The venue matters less than the substance. Russia still insists Ukraine formally hand over four regions before talks can proceed. Crucially, Ukraine's constitution prohibits surrendering territory without a national referendum — a legal barrier that no Ukrainian president can waive by executive decision, regardless of US pressure. Russia has made similar demands before every previous round and attended anyway, which suggests the precondition serves a domestic audience rather than being a genuine deal-breaker.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

Ukraine's constitution (Article 157) bars altering state territory without a national referendum — a legal constraint Zelensky cannot waive by executive decision regardless of pressure from Washington. Russia's four-oblast precondition is therefore structurally incompatible with Ukrainian constitutional law, not merely with Ukrainian political will. This suggests the precondition functions as a procedural legitimisation device for Russian domestic audiences rather than a genuine negotiating position — which would explain why Russia consistently attends talks regardless of unmet demands.

What could happen next?
  • Risk

    Venue uncertainty delaying the 5–6 March meeting risks dissipating technical momentum from the second round's progress on ceasefire monitoring.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Consequence

    A framework agreed before European observer status is secured gives Merz's implementation veto immediate practical teeth, creating post-agreement deadlock between the US-brokered text and European non-endorsement.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Precedent

    A deal concluded in trilateral format without European participation sets a structural template for US-Russia bilateralism that excludes EU institutional role in European security architecture.

    Medium term · Assessed
First Reported In

Update #2 · Shadow fleet tanker sunk, talks seek venue

Ukrainska Pravda· 5 Mar 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
UK Maritime Trade Operations
UK Maritime Trade Operations
UKMTO logged six armed men boarding a tanker 136 nautical miles east of Al Mukalla on 20 August and redirecting it toward Somalia. A vessel steered toward the Somali coast reads as an attempted seizure, a distinct hazard from the stand-off strikes the same lane has seen before.
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf
Iran's Majlis speaker received Iraq's Hormuz carve-out request in Baghdad on 19 August, a request that treats passage as Tehran's to grant. Ghalibaf's authority over that grant sits alongside the Revolutionary Guard's separate transit rules, which have moved independently of Iran's foreign ministry before.
Haibat al-Halbousi
Haibat al-Halbousi
Iraq's parliament speaker asked Iran for special consideration on Iraqi Hormuz oil exports during Ghalibaf's 19 August Baghdad visit. Iraq presses the request from a weak position: Iran's central bank is simultaneously demanding Baghdad release Iranian reserves parked in Iraqi accounts.
Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research
Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research
Switzerland's economics ministry updated the Article 21 forms governing lawful Iran money transfers on 19 August, with only the revised forms accepted from 26 August. Bern operates one of the few remaining legal Iran payment channels and has just set a hard cutover on its control point.
Motegi Toshimitsu
Motegi Toshimitsu
Japan's foreign minister said in Muscat on 20 August that Tokyo wants closer coordination with Oman on safe Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb passage. Japan has no naval presence of its own in the strait, so it is routing the ask through the state negotiating with Iran instead.
Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi
Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi
Oman's foreign minister joined Japan's in Muscat on 20 August to call for intensified coordination on Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb navigation. Oman also runs the mediation track with Tehran, so the appeal travels through the same channel as the negotiation.