Skip to content
You can now search across every topic, entity and event.What's new
European Tech Sovereignty
18JUN

Trump says 'Make Iran Great Again'

3 min read
09:28UTC

Trump's first constructive framing of Iran's future arrives after every diplomatic channel — direct, back-channel, and multilateral — has been closed, exposed, or rejected.

TechnologyDeveloping
Key takeaway

A genuine war-termination signal from the White House has no diplomatic infrastructure through which it can travel to Tehran, making it strategically inert regardless of presidential intent.

President Trump rated the military operation "12-15 on a ten-point scale" and used the phrase "Make Iran Great Again" — the first time since strikes began on 28 February that the president has framed Iran's future in constructive rather than purely destructive terms.

The rhetorical arc over eight days has moved in a single direction: from declaring Iran "demolished ahead of schedule" , through demands for unconditional surrender and personal addresses to IRGC commanders offering immunity or death, to a slogan that implies a future for the Iranian state rather than its elimination. Whether this represents an actual political endgame or performative branding cannot be determined from a phrase.

What can be determined is that no mechanism exists to translate the words into diplomacy. Foreign Minister Araghchi — the official who had earlier signalled flexibility through Oman — publicly ruled out negotiations, stating Iran will not talk while under attack . When Iranian intelligence operatives reached the CIA through a third country's service, Trump posted "Too Late!" within hours of the New York Times publishing the contact . CNN confirmed no direct communication between Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, Jared Kushner, and any Iranian counterpart. The Egypt-Turkey-Oman mediation framework has attracted no confirmed participants.

Trump himself supplied the historical parallel. He told Axios he wanted involvement in appointing Iran's next leader "like with Delcy in Venezuela" — the 2019 back-channel with Diosdado Cabello that produced no political change in Caracas. The pattern is structurally identical: maximum military and economic pressure, escalating rhetorical ambition about the target state's future, and no interlocutor capable of or willing to negotiate the transformation being described. In Venezuela, the gap between rhetoric and diplomatic machinery lasted years and yielded nothing. In Iran, the same gap exists during an active air war with 3,000 targets struck and no channel through which to stop.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Trump's 'Make Iran Great Again' phrase is the first time he has framed this conflict as building something rather than destroying something. That is significant — but for a peace signal to work, there must be someone on the other side who can receive and respond to it through an agreed channel. Currently, Iran's most flexible diplomat has publicly refused talks, there is no US embassy in Tehran, and no agreed intermediary country has confirmed its role. The signal exists; the address does not.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

The phrase creates a strategic ambiguity that all parties will interpret according to their priors simultaneously: Iran's hardliners as evidence of weakness, potential Iranian moderates as a conditional opening, and US allies as either a coherent signal or White House incoherence. In the absence of a channel to resolve the ambiguity, all interpretations coexist — a condition that increases miscalculation risk rather than reducing it, because each actor will act on their own reading.

Root Causes

The diplomatic vacuum is both structural and contingent. Structurally: no US-Iran bilateral channel has existed since 1980, the Swiss protecting power arrangement was not activated at the war's onset, and the Egypt-Turkey-Oman format excludes direct US participation. Contingently: the war's opening tempo foreclosed the informal back-channels — Omani interlocution, Iraqi facilitation — that normally survive formal diplomatic ruptures.

Escalation

The civil-military misalignment risk is the novel escalatory vector the body does not address: if military commanders interpret continued operational orders as authorisation to escalate while the president is signalling openness to resolution, strikes could foreclose the diplomatic opening the phrase may be attempting to create — a gap between presidential intent and operational reality that has precedent in the early Vietnam bombing pauses.

What could happen next?
  • Meaning

    The rhetorical shift marks the first time the White House has framed a post-war Iran as a desirable outcome rather than a punished one — a necessary but insufficient precondition for any eventual negotiated settlement.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Civil-military misalignment — military operations escalating while presidential rhetoric signals openness — could produce strikes that structurally foreclose the diplomatic opening the phrase may be testing.

    Short term · Suggested
  • Risk

    Allied governments parsing the phrase as incoherence rather than signal may begin hedging their political support for US operations, creating coalition fragmentation at a critical moment in the air campaign.

    Short term · Suggested
  • Opportunity

    If the phrase reflects genuine presidential intent, it could be operationalised through a Track 1.5 channel — academic or think-tank intermediaries with Iranian counterpart access — faster than a formal diplomatic architecture could be constructed.

    Short term · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #25 · Russia shares targeting data on US forces

Reuters· 7 Mar 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
Trump says 'Make Iran Great Again'
The first constructive rhetorical framing of Iran's future in Trump's wartime statements arrives without any diplomatic mechanism to pursue it. Every potential conduit — Araghchi's direct rejection, the CIA back-channel exposed and rebuffed, multilateral mediation with no participants — is closed. The structural gap between escalating rhetorical ambition and absent diplomatic infrastructure defines the conflict's political deadlock.
Different Perspectives
Germany (Bundeskartellamt)
Germany (Bundeskartellamt)
Germany's Bundeskartellamt declined to open antitrust proceedings against SAP, the company disclosed on 30 July, in the same fortnight the Commission's EUR 890m DMA fine against Google approached its 21 September compliance deadline. A German software champion cleared domestic scrutiny while an American platform faces enforcement, in the same regulatory season.
United States (USTR)
United States (USTR)
Washington's Section 301 investigation into EU digital enforcement, opened 24 July, had produced no Federal Register docket as of 4 August, even as Dell and 1,008 Nvidia GB200 NVL4 accelerators sit inside the EU's own sovereignty-branded MeluXina-AI build. The absent docket and the American hardware inside a European sovereignty project pull the same relationship in opposite directions.
UK government
UK government
The UK's Sovereign AI vehicle took a nine-figure equity stake in chip startup OLIX on 30 July, its fifth deal since April, while the Cabinet Office's 27 July fact sheet named no accounting officer for the GBP 1.1bn AI Hardware Plan. Whitehall is buying equity rather than capacity, inside a department mid-rename to Business, Innovation, Science and Trade.
Luxembourg government
Luxembourg government
Luxembourg is covering half of the newly disclosed EUR 80m contract value for MeluXina-AI, EuroHPC's Grand Duchy build, with Dell Technologies confirmed as supplying 1,008 Nvidia GB200 NVL4 accelerators, a hardware detail absent from the earlier project description. The disclosure means Luxembourg's national co-funding buys a facility built on American silicon under a European ownership badge.
European Commission
European Commission
The Commission activated its Article 101 fining power on 2 August while the Article 70 register it must keep current still showed a 26 September 2025 footer and blank rows for Denmark, Finland and Hungary. It issued no comment, though Article 70 puts the publication duty on Brussels, not member states.
China's Ministry of Commerce
China's Ministry of Commerce
Spokesperson He Yadong said on 16 July that Beijing and the Netherlands should let firms settle the Nexperia dispute through consultation, after a Dutch ministerial visit to Beijing. The conciliatory tone contrasts with the confrontational US trade response to the same fortnight's DMA enforcement.