13APR

Iran executes Shirzadi Fakhr at dawn

1 min read

11:20UTC

Soltanali Shirzadi Fakhr was executed on Thursday 23 April on moharebeh and Israel-collaboration charges, Hengaw documented, separate from the protest-era detainee cohort.

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Key takeaway

A new wartime charge category, Israel collaboration, runs alongside the protest-era executions Hengaw tracks separately.

Soltanali Shirzadi Fakhr was executed at dawn on Thursday 23 April on moharebeh and "collaboration with Israel" charges, according to Hengaw ¹. The Hengaw note records the case as separate from the protest-era detainee cohort the organisation has tracked since the war began. Hengaw is the Norway-based Iranian human rights documentation organisation; moharebeh is the Persian Sharia-law charge of "enmity against God", historically applied to political and security offences and carrying the death penalty under Iran's penal code.

The distinction matters for the wartime judicial record. Iran's domestic security apparatus is now running two parallel execution tracks: the protest-era moharebeh sentences Hengaw has been tabulating, and a separate Israel-collaboration cohort opened by the war. Three Ali Fahim co-defendants (Shahab Zahdi, Abolfazl Salehi Siavoshani and Yaser Rajaeifar) remain in solitary confinement at Ghezel Hesar prison facing imminent execution per Hengaw, after Iran executed Erfan Kiani on Saturday 25 April as the eighth wartime political prisoner .

The MEK (Mojahedin-e Khalq) listing on Shirzadi Fakhr's charge sheet is the legal mechanism Iran uses to fold political opposition into security prosecution; the Israeli-collaboration framing is the wartime layer added on top. Together they describe an executive judicial process that requires no public trial and exposes families to courier-only notification of sentence dates.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Moharebeh is an Islamic legal concept meaning 'enmity against God', used in Iranian law to charge people with crimes against the state or Islam. Iran's judiciary uses it as a capital charge for a broad range of offences, from armed insurgency to protest activity. The additional 'collaboration with Israel' charge in Shirzadi Fakhr's case is new in wartime Iran: it reflects the government's effort to frame wartime dissent as active support for the military enemy, carrying a harder legal basis for the death penalty. **Hengaw**, the Norway-based Kurdish human rights organisation monitoring these cases, keeps a running count because Iranian state media rarely reports individual executions unless they serve a deterrence function.

Deep Analysis

Root Causes

The 'Israel-collaboration' charge category raises the offence from a domestic-law matter to a wartime treason equivalent, which is harder for international human rights organisations to contest under Iranian law. A moharebeh conviction alone can be appealed on procedural grounds; a wartime collaboration charge activates emergency-jurisdiction courts with faster timelines.

The charge also signals to Iran's internal surveillance network that the threshold for capital charges has expanded beyond protest activity to include any contact with Israeli or Israeli-proximate entities. In practice, that covers a wide range of Iranian diaspora and commercial relationships, giving the **IRGC** and judiciary a broadened pool of potential targets.

What could happen next?

Meaning
The creation of a 'wartime Israel-collaboration' capital charge category is likely to accelerate the pace of executions against Iranians with any documented contact with Israeli entities, including dual nationals and academics.
Short term · Assessed
Meaning
Three Ali Fahim co-defendants in solitary at Ghezel Hesar face the same moharebeh framework; the Shirzadi Fakhr execution, documented separately by Hengaw, suggests the judiciary is processing the two cohorts in parallel rather than in sequence.
Short term · Assessed
Meaning
International human rights bodies including Amnesty International and the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran now face a dual-track execution programme: protest-era sentences and a new wartime collaboration category, complicating the legal arguments for any moratorium.
Short term · Assessed

Sources:CENTCOM / Al Jazeera·CENTCOM / Al Jazeera·Times of Israel / Arms Control Association

Mentions:Soltanali Shirzadi Fakhr →Hengaw →MEK →Israel →Shahab Zahdi →Yaser Rajaeifar →Abolfazl Salehi Siavoshani →Erfan Kiani →moharebeh →Ali Fahim →Iran →Norway →Qezel Hesar Prison →

First Reported In

Update #80 · Three carriers, zero instruments

CENTCOM / Al Jazeera· 26 Apr 2026

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Causes and effects

Caused by

Iran executes Erfan Kiani, eighth wartime hanging

The execution of Shirzadi Fakhr on 23 April follows the execution of Erfan Kiani on moharebeh charges on 25 April (ID:2781), extending Iran's wartime execution record with a new Israel-collaboration charge category.

Occurred 25 Apr 2026

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This Event

Iran executes Shirzadi Fakhr at dawn

A new wartime charge category appears alongside the protest-era moharebeh sentences: collaboration with foreign enemies, separately tracked.

Different Perspectives

Qatar

Qatar holds approximately $12 billion in frozen Iranian assets that Tehran named as the precondition for any Hormuz reopening sequence; with Oman sidelined and no agreed HEU custodian, the asset-routing architecture that any deal requires has no operational channel and no neutral financial intermediary to run it through.

Hengaw and Iranian civilian population

Iranians face an internet capped at 40 per cent by hardware their president cannot dismantle, field killings that leave no court record, and judicial executions running in parallel; Hengaw, based in Norway, is the primary remaining monitor of a repression system the IRGC is deliberately moving beyond auditable records. The real toll is higher than any single monitor's count.

China

China supplied deep-packet-inspection hardware that caps Iran's internet at 40 per cent and enables an instant on-demand blackout, and was barred by Trump as a potential HEU custodian on 27 May. Beijing gains from Iran's continued non-alignment with the West while the DPI sale extends Chinese surveillance-technology exports as a geopolitical instrument.

Pakistan

Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar met Rubio in Washington on 29 May, formally inheriting the role of sole active mediator after Oman's forced withdrawal. Pakistan lacks Oman's banking infrastructure for frozen-asset routing and carries its own regional stakes, making it a less structurally neutral broker for the Qatar-held $12 billion sequencing.

Kuwait

Kuwait invoked Article 51 of the UN Charter after absorbing an Iranian ballistic-missile strike on Ali Al Salem Air Base on 28 May, becoming the first Gulf state to make a formal individual self-defence claim in the war. The invocation creates a legal record enabling a future bilateral defence-pact activation without yet triggering it.

Oman

Oman denied any Hormuz toll plan within hours of Bessent's 28 May threat, absorbing a sanctions warning from the country it has brokered for since 1981. The rapid capitulation preserved the channel formally, but Tehran now knows Washington will threaten its own mediator, which changes Muscat's calculus on how far it can lean into any joint-management architecture.