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Iran Conflict 2026
1JUN

Majlis codifies Hormuz toll in law

2 min read
08:32UTC

The blockade that began as a military measure is becoming domestic legislation, with projected revenues reaching $800 million per month.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

Iran is converting a wartime blockade into permanent law, making reversal a sovereignty question.

Iran's Majlis began drafting legislation on 31 March to codify the IRGC's Hormuz toll into permanent domestic law. 1 A vote was expected before the end of March but cannot proceed until parliament reconvenes. At projected scale, revenue estimates reach $600 million to $800 million per month from oil tankers and LNG carriers combined.

The legislative step matters because it changes the nature of what the toll is. An operational wartime measure can be reversed by the military that imposed it. A law can only be reversed by the parliament that passed it, with Guardian Council approval, after a political process that no Iranian politician has incentive to initiate. Shadow fleet vessels already account for 80% of Hormuz transits , and the toll is being paid by state-backed Chinese container ships. The infrastructure is built. Legislation is the lock.

The last time a state imposed transit fees on a major international waterway was the Ottoman Empire's Bosphorus tolls, abolished by the 1936 Montreux Convention. Iran's version is being codified in real time during an active war. The NPT withdrawal bill remains frozen in the same parliament : the Majlis has not sat in 31 days, with no reconvening date announced. When it does sit, both bills advance simultaneously.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran's parliament is writing a law to permanently charge ships a toll to cross the Strait of Hormuz. The law has not passed yet because parliament has not met in over a month. The difference between a wartime toll and a permanent law is significant. A wartime toll can end when the war ends. A law can only be changed by parliament, which means it could last for decades regardless of how the war ends. The last time a country charged transit fees on a major international waterway was the Ottoman Empire, which charged Bosphorus tolls until a 1936 international agreement abolished them. Iran is trying to do the same thing in 2026.

What could happen next?
  • Precedent

    If enacted, this would be the first domestic law codifying a sovereign charge on an international strait in modern maritime history, challenging UNCLOS innocent passage rights.

    Long term · 0.85
  • Consequence

    Reversing the toll post-war becomes a sovereignty dispute requiring treaty revision rather than a military question, making it functionally permanent.

    Medium term · 0.8
  • Risk

    When parliament reconvenes, both the toll bill and the NPT withdrawal bill advance simultaneously, presenting the international community with two irreversible legislative facts at once.

    Short term · 0.7
First Reported In

Update #53 · Trump drops Hormuz goal; toll becomes law

NBC News / Lloyd's List· 31 Mar 2026
Read original
Different Perspectives
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Monitors documented a second death sentence for Zahra Tabari, 68, reported cemetery record deletions at Behesht-e Zahra, and a poll showing 81.5% of medical residents want to emigrate, against a background of 200+ confirmed executions since February. Iran's security courts operate at uninterrupted wartime tempo regardless of the diplomatic track.
Pakistan (mediator)
Pakistan (mediator)
Islamabad carried Trump's revised MOU demanding HEU destruction to Iranian negotiators, formally inheriting the role of sole active mediator after Oman's forced withdrawal. Pakistan lacks Oman's banking infrastructure for frozen-asset routing and carries its own regional stakes, making it a less structurally neutral broker.
Kuwait
Kuwait
Kuwait intercepted Iranian missiles and drones for a second time in days on 1 June, with air-raid sirens sounding nationwide, after invoking Article 51 self-defence on 28 May following the Ali Al Salem ballistic-missile strike. The repeated interceptions test whether Kuwait's domestic politics can sustain hosting US forces as a de facto co-belligerent.
China (PRC)
China (PRC)
Beijing sent scholars to Shangri-La rather than its defence minister and addressed Taiwan without mentioning Iran, maintaining bilateral energy corridor protection with Tehran while refusing diplomatic exposure at multilateral forums. Trump barred China as an HEU custodian on 27 May, removing Beijing from the deal architecture while China continues supplying DPI hardware that caps Iran's internet.
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's held its Hormuz war-risk designation at $10-14 million per voyage while Brent recovered to $93.91, maintaining the structural divergence from futures pricing that has persisted since late May. Underwriters require a UN Security Council resolution or government certification letter, not diplomatic optimism.
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Five Gulf states wrote to the IMO on 21 May rejecting Iran's PGSA transit authority over international waters; Saudi Arabia and the UAE have not confirmed participation in the European Hormuz mission. The GCC is navigating between US security guarantees and exposure to Iranian fire, with no Gulf state formally co-belligerent except Kuwait.