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Iran Conflict 2026
31MAY

IRGC splits into 31 autonomous units

3 min read
09:14UTC

Iran's response to the killing of its senior commanders distributes strike authority to every province — solving one problem while creating another that makes any ceasefire structurally harder to hold.

ConflictDeveloping
Key takeaway

By distributing strike authority across 31 provincial commands embedded in existing administrative infrastructure, Iran has made ceasefire verification structurally impossible under any framework requiring a single authoritative 'stop' order — and has done so through a design that has been in preparation since 2020.

Israeli analysts and The Jerusalem Post reported that Iran has fully activated its 'Decentralised Mosaic Defence' doctrine, restructuring the IRGC into 31 autonomous operational units — one per province — with regional commanders authorised to conduct strikes without central authorisation. Iran has not confirmed the change.

The restructuring is a direct doctrinal counter to the killing of IRGC Ground Forces Commander Brigadier General Mohammad Pakpour and other senior officers on 28 February. The logic: if the enemy can paralyse your organisation by killing its commanders, remove the requirement for central command. The mosaic defence concept has been part of IRGC doctrine since at least the mid-2000s, developed after studying how US precision strikes dismantled Iraqi command structures in 2003. Its full activation now — under fire — tests whether peacetime doctrine survives contact with wartime reality.

CENTCOM has been directed to 'dismantle the Iranian regime's security apparatus' — a war aim the mosaic restructuring is explicitly designed to frustrate, since there is no single node whose destruction collapses the system. From the opposite direction, a ceasefire requires a single authority that can order all forces to stop. Thirty-one autonomous commands, each authorised to strike independently, create 31 potential points of failure in any cessation of hostilities. The same structural change that makes Iran harder to defeat also makes it harder to negotiate with.

The reporting carries a sourcing caveat: it originates from Israeli analysts, not Iranian officials, and Israel has an operational interest in portraying Iranian forces as both degraded and dispersed. Whether all 31 provincial commands have functioning launch capability, adequate munitions, and intact communications is unknown. The decline from early-conflict salvos of hundreds of missiles to Wave 17's 'more than 40' could reflect attrition, conservation, or the friction of a command structure reorganising under fire.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Until now, Iran's military operated like most militaries: a hierarchy where orders flow from the top down, and a ceasefire agreement with top leadership would stop the fighting. Iran has now restructured so that 31 separate regional commanders each have independent authority to launch attacks — no single person or office can order all of them to stop simultaneously. Even if Iran's President or the new Supreme Leader genuinely agreed to a ceasefire, any one of 31 commanders could continue strikes, whether out of disagreement, miscommunication, or deliberate sabotage by hardliners. This is not an accident — it is a deliberate strategy to make Iran harder to defeat through targeted killings of senior commanders, at the cost of also making Iran harder to negotiate with.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

The activation creates a structural asymmetry in the conflict's endgame that extends beyond the ceasefire problem the body identifies: any future arms control or verification regime — analogous to JCPOA-style inspections — will need to encompass 31 distributed military nodes rather than a single ministry. The cost and complexity of that verification architecture may be prohibitive, making post-conflict settlement structurally harder than any previous Iran negotiation, regardless of political will on either side.

Root Causes

The doctrine is a deliberate inversion of the Western targeting theory of victory: Western and Israeli doctrine assumes degrading command and control will translate into political compliance by a leadership unable to sustain operations. Mosaic Defence severs that causal link — by eliminating the single authoritative command node, Iran removes the mechanism through which military degradation is supposed to produce political capitulation.

Escalation

Thirty-one autonomous commands each incentivised to demonstrate operational relevance create structural escalatory pressure independent of Tehran's political decisions. The doctrine removes the 'off switch' that ceasefire negotiation requires, ensuring that strikes will continue even if political leadership signals willingness to halt — the body identifies this problem but understates its permanence: reverting to centralised command would require Iran to publicly abandon the doctrine under fire, which is politically and militarily implausible.

What could happen next?
1 consequence2 risk1 meaning1 precedent
  • Consequence

    Any ceasefire negotiation must now account for 31 autonomous commands rather than a single authority, raising the minimum diplomatic complexity of any halt to hostilities by an order of magnitude.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Provincial commanders acting without central authorisation may strike targets — civilian infrastructure, diplomatic facilities, foreign military assets — that Tehran's political leadership would not sanction, creating escalation events outside any negotiating framework.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Meaning

    Iran has accepted significant internal coordination costs and command incoherence as the price of survivability, signalling that regime preservation now outranks military efficiency as the primary strategic objective.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Post-conflict arms control and verification architecture — any JCPOA successor — will need to encompass 31 distributed military nodes, a structural complexity that may render negotiated settlement prohibitively difficult regardless of political will.

    Long term · Assessed
  • Precedent

    Successful operational activation of Mosaic Defence under combat conditions establishes a template other distributed-network actors (Hezbollah, Houthis, Iraq's PMF) will observe and adapt to their own command structures.

    Long term · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #22 · IRGC drones hit Azerbaijan; CIA link cut

Times of Israel· 5 Mar 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
IRGC splits into 31 autonomous units
The restructuring is a direct doctrinal counter to command decapitation, but 31 independent strike authorities create 31 potential points of failure in any future ceasefire — the same change that makes Iran harder to defeat also makes it harder to negotiate with.
Different Perspectives
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Human rights monitors (Hengaw, Amnesty International, Iran HRM)
Monitors documented a second death sentence for Zahra Tabari, 68, reported cemetery record deletions at Behesht-e Zahra, and a poll showing 81.5% of medical residents want to emigrate, against a background of 200+ confirmed executions since February. Iran's security courts operate at uninterrupted wartime tempo regardless of the diplomatic track.
Pakistan (mediator)
Pakistan (mediator)
Islamabad carried Trump's revised MOU demanding HEU destruction to Iranian negotiators, formally inheriting the role of sole active mediator after Oman's forced withdrawal. Pakistan lacks Oman's banking infrastructure for frozen-asset routing and carries its own regional stakes, making it a less structurally neutral broker.
Kuwait
Kuwait
Kuwait intercepted Iranian missiles and drones for a second time in days on 1 June, with air-raid sirens sounding nationwide, after invoking Article 51 self-defence on 28 May following the Ali Al Salem ballistic-missile strike. The repeated interceptions test whether Kuwait's domestic politics can sustain hosting US forces as a de facto co-belligerent.
China (PRC)
China (PRC)
Beijing sent scholars to Shangri-La rather than its defence minister and addressed Taiwan without mentioning Iran, maintaining bilateral energy corridor protection with Tehran while refusing diplomatic exposure at multilateral forums. Trump barred China as an HEU custodian on 27 May, removing Beijing from the deal architecture while China continues supplying DPI hardware that caps Iran's internet.
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's of London / war-risk underwriters
Lloyd's held its Hormuz war-risk designation at $10-14 million per voyage while Brent recovered to $93.91, maintaining the structural divergence from futures pricing that has persisted since late May. Underwriters require a UN Security Council resolution or government certification letter, not diplomatic optimism.
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar)
Five Gulf states wrote to the IMO on 21 May rejecting Iran's PGSA transit authority over international waters; Saudi Arabia and the UAE have not confirmed participation in the European Hormuz mission. The GCC is navigating between US security guarantees and exposure to Iranian fire, with no Gulf state formally co-belligerent except Kuwait.