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Iran Conflict 2026
25MAR

Iran hits Kuwait airport for fourth time

1 min read
04:20UTC

Non-belligerent Gulf states absorb daily attacks; Kuwait's airport hit for the fourth time in 26 days.

ConflictAssessed
Key takeaway

Iran's four-country strike campaign makes non-belligerent status irrelevant for states hosting US forces.

Iranian drones struck a fuel tank at Kuwait International Airport on Tuesday, the fourth attack on the airport since 28 February 1. The Kuwait National Guard intercepted six more drones. No casualties were reported. Kuwait Airways is routing passengers through Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Arabia intercepted 32 drones and one ballistic missile over the Eastern Province in 11 hours. In Bahrain, an Iranian attack killed a Moroccan civilian working with the UAE armed forces 2. None of these countries is a formal belligerent. All host US military forces.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) resumed hourly barrages against Israeli cities the same day . The IRGC's four-country campaign, now in its 26th day, has struck energy infrastructure, airports, and military bases across Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Israel. Kuwait's airport has been hit four times in 26 days for hosting American aircraft.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Iran is attacking airports and oil sites in countries that are not part of the war, because those countries host US military bases. Kuwait's main airport has been hit four times in a month. These countries did not choose to fight but are absorbing the consequences.

What could happen next?
  • Consequence

    Gulf states may restrict US basing to reduce exposure

First Reported In

Update #48 · Iran rejects ceasefire; Kharg fortified

Al Jazeera· 26 Mar 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
Iran hits Kuwait airport for fourth time
Iran's campaign against neutral Gulf states' civilian infrastructure normalises a pattern where non-combatant status provides no protection.
Different Perspectives
IAEA
IAEA
Director General Rafael Grossi appeared in person at the UNSC on 19 May and warned that a direct hit on an operating reactor 'could result in very high release of radioactivity'. The session produced a condemnation record but no resolution, and the Barakah perimeter was already struck on 17 May.
Hengaw (Kurdish rights monitor)
Hengaw (Kurdish rights monitor)
Hengaw documented three judicial executions and the detention of Kurdish writer Majid Karimi in Tehran on 19 May, establishing Khorasan Razavi province as the newest geography in Iran's wartime judicial record. The organisation's Norway-based operation continues to surface a domestic repression track running in parallel with every diplomatic and military development.
India
India
Six India-flagged vessels conducted a coordinated cluster transit under PGSA bilateral assurances during the 17 May window, paying no yuan tolls. New Delhi's inclusion in Iran's state-to-state passage track insulates Indian energy supply without requiring endorsement of the PGSA's yuan-toll architecture or alignment with the US coalition.
Pakistan
Pakistan
Pakistan is the only functioning diplomatic bridge between Tehran and Washington. Its role is relay, not mediation in the settlement sense: it conveyed Iran's 10-point counter-MOU in early May, relayed the US rejection, and is now passing 'corrective points' in the third documented exchange of this sub-cycle without either side working from a shared text.
UK and France (Northwood coalition)
UK and France (Northwood coalition)
Twenty-six coalition members have published no rules of engagement eight days after the Bahrain joint statement; Lloyd's underwriters have conditioned war-risk reopening on written ROE from either Iran or the coalition. Italian and French mine-countermeasures deployments are operating on the in-water clearance task CENTCOM Admiral Brad Cooper's 90% mine-stockpile claim does not address.
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia
Riyadh has not publicly commented on the Barakah strike or the 50-47 discharge vote. Saudi output feeds the IEA's $106 base case; the $5 Brent premium above that model reflects institutional uncertainty no Gulf producer can compress through supply adjustment alone.