Skip to content
You can now search across every topic, entity and event.What's new
European Tech Sovereignty
22SEP

IRGC splits into 31 autonomous units

3 min read
10:47UTC

Iran's response to the killing of its senior commanders distributes strike authority to every province — solving one problem while creating another that makes any ceasefire structurally harder to hold.

TechnologyDeveloping
Key takeaway

By distributing strike authority across 31 provincial commands embedded in existing administrative infrastructure, Iran has made ceasefire verification structurally impossible under any framework requiring a single authoritative 'stop' order — and has done so through a design that has been in preparation since 2020.

Israeli analysts and The Jerusalem Post reported that Iran has fully activated its 'Decentralised Mosaic Defence' doctrine, restructuring the IRGC into 31 autonomous operational units — one per province — with regional commanders authorised to conduct strikes without central authorisation. Iran has not confirmed the change.

The restructuring is a direct doctrinal counter to the killing of IRGC Ground Forces Commander Brigadier General Mohammad Pakpour and other senior officers on 28 February. The logic: if the enemy can paralyse your organisation by killing its commanders, remove the requirement for Central Command. The mosaic defence concept has been part of IRGC doctrine since at least the mid-2000s, developed after studying how US precision strikes dismantled Iraqi command structures in 2003. Its full activation now — under fire — tests whether peacetime doctrine survives contact with wartime reality.

CENTCOM has been directed to 'dismantle the Iranian regime's security apparatus' — a war aim the mosaic restructuring is explicitly designed to frustrate, since there is no single node whose destruction collapses the system. From the opposite direction, a ceasefire requires a single authority that can order all forces to stop. Thirty-one autonomous commands, each authorised to strike independently, create 31 potential points of failure in any cessation of hostilities. The same structural change that makes Iran harder to defeat also makes it harder to negotiate with.

The reporting carries a sourcing caveat: it originates from Israeli analysts, not Iranian officials, and Israel has an operational interest in portraying Iranian forces as both degraded and dispersed. Whether all 31 provincial commands have functioning launch capability, adequate munitions, and intact communications is unknown. The decline from early-conflict salvos of hundreds of missiles to Wave 17's 'more than 40' could reflect attrition, conservation, or the friction of a command structure reorganising under fire.

Deep Analysis

In plain English

Until now, Iran's military operated like most militaries: a hierarchy where orders flow from the top down, and a ceasefire agreement with top leadership would stop the fighting. Iran has now restructured so that 31 separate regional commanders each have independent authority to launch attacks — no single person or office can order all of them to stop simultaneously. Even if Iran's President or the new Supreme Leader genuinely agreed to a ceasefire, any one of 31 commanders could continue strikes, whether out of disagreement, miscommunication, or deliberate sabotage by hardliners. This is not an accident — it is a deliberate strategy to make Iran harder to defeat through targeted killings of senior commanders, at the cost of also making Iran harder to negotiate with.

Deep Analysis
Synthesis

The activation creates a structural asymmetry in the conflict's endgame that extends beyond the ceasefire problem the body identifies: any future arms control or verification regime — analogous to JCPOA-style inspections — will need to encompass 31 distributed military nodes rather than a single ministry. The cost and complexity of that verification architecture may be prohibitive, making post-conflict settlement structurally harder than any previous Iran negotiation, regardless of political will on either side.

Root Causes

The doctrine is a deliberate inversion of the Western targeting theory of victory: Western and Israeli doctrine assumes degrading command and control will translate into political compliance by a leadership unable to sustain operations. Mosaic Defence severs that causal link — by eliminating the single authoritative command node, Iran removes the mechanism through which military degradation is supposed to produce political capitulation.

Escalation

Thirty-one autonomous commands each incentivised to demonstrate operational relevance create structural escalatory pressure independent of Tehran's political decisions. The doctrine removes the 'off switch' that ceasefire negotiation requires, ensuring that strikes will continue even if political leadership signals willingness to halt — the body identifies this problem but understates its permanence: reverting to centralised command would require Iran to publicly abandon the doctrine under fire, which is politically and militarily implausible.

What could happen next?
1 consequence2 risk1 meaning1 precedent
  • Consequence

    Any ceasefire negotiation must now account for 31 autonomous commands rather than a single authority, raising the minimum diplomatic complexity of any halt to hostilities by an order of magnitude.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Provincial commanders acting without central authorisation may strike targets — civilian infrastructure, diplomatic facilities, foreign military assets — that Tehran's political leadership would not sanction, creating escalation events outside any negotiating framework.

    Short term · Assessed
  • Meaning

    Iran has accepted significant internal coordination costs and command incoherence as the price of survivability, signalling that regime preservation now outranks military efficiency as the primary strategic objective.

    Immediate · Assessed
  • Risk

    Post-conflict arms control and verification architecture — any JCPOA successor — will need to encompass 31 distributed military nodes, a structural complexity that may render negotiated settlement prohibitively difficult regardless of political will.

    Long term · Assessed
  • Precedent

    Successful operational activation of Mosaic Defence under combat conditions establishes a template other distributed-network actors (Hezbollah, Houthis, Iraq's PMF) will observe and adapt to their own command structures.

    Long term · Suggested
First Reported In

Update #22 · IRGC drones hit Azerbaijan; CIA link cut

Times of Israel· 5 Mar 2026
Read original
Causes and effects
This Event
IRGC splits into 31 autonomous units
The restructuring is a direct doctrinal counter to command decapitation, but 31 independent strike authorities create 31 potential points of failure in any future ceasefire — the same change that makes Iran harder to defeat also makes it harder to negotiate with.
Different Perspectives
ESMC (TSMC-majority joint venture)
ESMC (TSMC-majority joint venture)
ESMC's president said construction remains on schedule after the Dresden fab's topping-out ceremony on 14 September, reported by Focus Taiwan with first process equipment still targeted for the second half of 2027. No first-party ESMC or TSMC statement independently confirms the claim, and the fab remains 70% TSMC-owned inside a project Europe cites as its semiconductor sovereignty case.
Civo
Civo
Civo sold out its Navigate London sovereignty conference on 22 September, drawing about 800 attendees including a sitting MP, a former defence procurement minister and sponsors led by Nokia. Companies House confirms chief executive Mark Boost as Civo's sole person with significant control, British and UK-resident, which answers the ownership question the conference itself is arguing matters.
United States Trade Representative
United States Trade Representative
USTR opened its 2027 National Trade Estimate comment window on 14 September, naming the EU among markets with restrictive technology requirements and inviting submissions on cross-border data rules. The window follows Trump's 24 July Section 301 order into EU digital rules by seven weeks, and unused comments are kept, in USTR's own wording, for future negotiations.
Cohere
Cohere
Cohere published the deal on 16 September without naming a regulator, running the merged company globally under its own brand from dual Toronto and Berlin headquarters. It pledges the combined company will deliver sovereign AI on STACKIT, the Schwarz Group's German platform, aimed at government buyers weighing that offer against Berlin's own anchor-customer signal.
Germany (Federal Government)
Germany (Federal Government)
Digital Minister Karsten Wildberger called the Cohere talks "a very strong signal" and signalled Berlin's readiness to become an anchor customer, now its main lever since equity sits with Cohere. The German side secured a co-headquarters and two Cohere C-suite seats, but the protective-rights terms it pressed for in July remain undisclosed.
Poland
Poland
Poland leads a self-announced AI Gigafactory consortium with a EUR 100 million phase-one commitment, matched by Czechia and joined by Hungary at EUR 25 million. EuroHPC has confirmed no consortium for the call closing 12 November, so the bloc exists only in national announcements so far.